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UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  PUBLICATIONS 

IN 

AMERICAN    ARCHAEOLOGY  AND    ETHNOLOGY 

Vol.  14,  No.  2,  pp.  155-219,  1  figure  in  text  March  29,  1918 


CLANS   AND   MOIETIES   IN 
SOUTHERN   CALIFORNIA 


BY 
EDWARD   WINSLOW   GIFFORD 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  PRESS 
BERKELEY 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  PUBLICATIONS 
DEPARTMENT  OF  ANTHROPOLOGY 

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Vol.  1.      1.  Life  and  Culture  of  the  Hupa,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.    Pp.  1-88; 

plates  1-30.    September,  1903 - —  *l-25 

2.  Hupa  Texts,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.    Pp.  89-368.    March,  1904 _.    3.00 

Index,  pp.  869-378. 
VoL  2.      1.  The  Exploration  of  the  Potter  Creek  Cave,  by  William  J.  Sinclair. 

Pp.  1-27;  plates  1-14.    April,  1904  ..- _ - *0 

2.  The  Languages  of  the  Coast  of  California  South  of  San  Francisco,  by 

A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  29-80,  with  a  map.    June,  1904 80 

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June,  1904  _ ~ - •25 

4.  Basket  Designs  of  the  Indians  of  Northwestern  California,  by  A.  L. 

Kroeber.    Pp.  105-164;  plates  15-21.    January,  1905 -      .75 

5.  The  Yokuts  Language  of  South  Central  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber. 

Pp.  165-377.    January,  1907 - 2«28 

Index,  pp.  379-392. 
VoL  *.  The  Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard. 

344  pp.    June,  1905   8JJ0 

Vol.  4.      1.  The  Earliest  Historical  Relations  between  Mexico  and  Japan,  from 
original  documents  preserved  in  Spain  and  Japan,  by  Zelia  NnttalL 

Pp.  1-47.    April,  1906  _ —       ■*• 

2.  Contribution  to  the  Physical  Anthropology  of  California,  based  on  col- 
lections in  the  Department  of  Anthropology  of  the  University  of 
California,  and  in  the  U.  S.  National  Museum,  by  Ales  Hrdlicka. 

Pp.  49-64,  with  5  tables;  plates  1-10,  and  map.    June,  1906 —      .75 

8.  The  Shoshonean  Dialects  of  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  65-166- 

February,  1907  - ----"    1JW 

4.  Indian  Myths  from  South  Central  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp. 

167-250.     May,  1907  - - - -76 

5.  The  Washo  Language  of  East  Central  California  and  Nevada,  by  A.  L. 

Kroeber.    Pp.  261-318.    September,  1907  ........... 75 

6.  The  Religion  of  the  Indians  of  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  319- 

356.    September,  1907  _ -50 

Index,  pp.  357-374. 
VoL  6.      1.  The  Phonology  of  the  Hupa  Language;  Part  L  The  Individual  Sounds, 

by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.    Pp.  1-20,  plates  1-8.    March,  1907  ..._ .35 

2.  Navaho  Myths,  Prayers  and  Songs,  with  Texts  and  Translations,  by 
Washington  Matthews,  edited  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.    Pp.  21-63. 

September,  1907 - £ - —      •76 

8.  Kato  Texts,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.    Pp.  65-238,  plate  9.    December, 

1909  2.5P 

4.  The  Material  Culture  of  the  Klamath  Lake  and  Modoc  Indians  of 

Northeastern  California  and  Southern  Oregon,  by  S.  A.  Barrett. 

Pp.  239-292,  plates  10-25.    June,  1910 "* 

5.  The  Chimariko  Indians  and  Language,  by  Roland  B.  Dixon.    Pp.  293- 

380.     August,  1910 1'00< 

Index  pp.  381-384. 
Vol   6       1.  The  Ethno-Geography  of  the  Pomo  and  Neighboring  Indians,  by  Sam- 

uel  Alfred  Barrett.    Pp.  1-332,  maps  1-2.    February,  1908 3.25 

2.  The  Geography  and  Dialects  of  the  Miwok  Indians,  by  Samuel  Alfred 

Barrett.    Pp.  333-368,  map  8. 
8   On  the  Evidence  of  the  Occupation  of  Certain  Regions  by  the  Miwofc 
Indians,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  369-380.    Nos.  2  and  3  in  one  cover. 

February,  1908  ..._ - ** 

Index,  pp.  381-400. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA   PUBLICATIONS 

IN 

AMERICAN    ARCHAEOLOGY   AND    ETHNOLOGY 

Vol.  14,  No.  2,  pp.  155-219,  1  figure  in  text  March  29,  1918 


CLANS  AND  MOIETIES  IN  SOUTHERN 
CALIFORNIA 

BY 

EDWARD  WINSLOW  GIFFORD 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Introductory  note  155 

Yuman  clans  156 

Colorado  River  tribes 156 

Diegueno  167 

Piman  clans  174 

Shoshonean  clans   and  moieties 177 

Serrano  178 

Cahuilla    .' 186 

Cupeno    192 

Luisefio  202 

Moieties,  clans,  and  totemism  in  California 215 


INTRODUCTORY  NOTE 

In  December,  1916,  and  January,  1917,  a  five  weeks'  trip  was 
made  to  southern  California  for  the  purpose  of  studying  the  kinship 
systems  of  various  Yuman  and  Shoshonean  groups.  The  preliminary 
data  concerning  social  organization  presented  in  the  following  pages 
were  secured  at  that  time.  The  data  on  Shoshonean  social  organization 
are  of  particular  interest  as  they  make  clear  that  the  southern  Cali- 
fornia Shoshoneans  form  a  connecting  link  between  the  totemic  group 
in  the  north,  consisting  of  the  Miwok,  northern  Yokuts,  and  Mono,1 
and  the  totemic  group  in  the  south,  formed  by  the  Yuman  and  Piman 
tribes. 

Acknowledgment  is  due  Dr.  A.  L.  Kroeber  for  the  use  of  his 
unpublished  data  on  Mohave  and  Papago  clans. 


i  See  E.  W.  Gifford,  Dichotomous  Social  Organization  in  South  Central  Cali- 
fornia, Univ.  Calif.  Publ.  Am.  Arch.  Ethn.,  xi,  291-296,  1916. 


156  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 


YUMAN  CLANS 

The  clans  of  the  Mohave,  Yuma,  Cocopa,  Kohuana,  Maricopa,  and 
Kamia2  possess  several  features  in  common :  paternal  descent,  ex- 
ogamy, and  clan  names,  of  totemic  connotation,  for  females  only. 
Dr.  Kroeber  has  stated  the  case  for  the  Mohave  as  follows : 

Certain  men,  and  all  their  ancestors  and  descendants  in  the  male  line,  have 
only  one  name  for  all  their  female  relatives.  Thus,  if  the  female  name  hereditary 
in  my  family  be  Maha,  my  father's  sister,  my  own  sisters,  my  daughters  (no 
matter  how  great  their  number),  and  my  son's  daughters,  will  all  be  called 
Maha.  There  are  about  twenty  such  women's  names,  or  virtual  gentes,  among 
the  Mohave.  None  of  these  names  seems  to  have  any  signification.  But  accord- 
ing to  the  myths  of  the  tribe,  certain  numbers  of  men  originally  had,  or  were 
given,  such  names  as  Sun,  Moon,  Tobacco,  Fire,  Cloud,  Coyote,  Deer,  Wind,  Beaver, 
Owl,  and  others,  which  correspond  exactly  to  totemic  clan  names;  then  these 
men  were  instructed  by  Mastamho,  the  chief  mythological  being,  to  call  all  their 
daughters  and  female  descendants  in  the  male  line  by  certain  names  corresponding 
to  these  clan  names.  Thus  the  male  ancestors  of  all  the  women  who  at  present 
bear  the  name  Hipa,  are  believed  to  have  been  originally  named  Coyote.  It  is 
also  said  that  all  those  with  one  name  formerly  lived  in  one  area,  and  were  all 
considered  related.  This,  however,  is  not  the  case  now,  nor  does  it  seem  to  have 
been  so  within  recent  historic  times.  It  should  also  be  added  that  many  members 
of  the  tribe  are  not  aware  of  the  connection  between  the  present  women's  names 
and  the  totemic  names  of  the  myth.s 

The  Northern  and  Southern  Diegueno  lack  totemic  clans,  although 
they  possess  groups  which  may  be  considered  as  non-totemic,  localized 
clans,  as  will  be  pointed  out  later.  The  Diegueno,  particularly  the 
Northern,  were  long  under  the  control  of  the  Franciscan  missionaries, 
many  being  taken  to  the  mission  at  San  Diego.  The  Colorado  River 
tribes  were  not  subject  to  mission  influence  and  doubtless  to-day 
present  a  more  complete  picture  of  their  aboriginal  culture  than  do 
the  Diegueno. 

COLOEADO  EIVEB  TEIBES 

Tables  1  and  2  list  the  clans  of  the  Mohave,  Yuma,4  Cocopa, 
Kohuana,  Maricopa,  and  Kamia,  first  by  totemic  references,  second 

2  By  this  term  is  meant  the  so-called  Yuma  Diegueno,  closely  related  in  dialect 
to  the  Southern  Diegueno,  who  are  agricultural  people  dwelling  on  the  Colorado 
Eiver  just  below  the  southern  frontier  of  California.  These  people  are  bordered 
on  the  north  by  the  Yuma,  with  whom  they  are  reputed  to  have  allied  themselves 
in  war  against  their  southern  neighbors,  the  Cocopa,  as  well  as  against  the  Mari- 
copa. The  Cocopa  call  the  Kamia,  Wasmisxa;  the  Yuma  call  them  at  present 
Witcankamiya,  probably  a  translation  of  English  ' '  Yuma  Diegueno. ' ' 

3  Preliminary  Sketch  of  the  Mohave  Indians,  Am.  Anthr.,  n.  s.,  iv,  278,  1902. 
*  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  L.  L.  Odle,  Superintendent  of  the  Yuma  Indian  Eeser- 

vation,  for  the  privilege  of  inspecting  the  Agency  records  in  determining  the 
existing  clans  upon  the  reservation.  This  inspection  yielded  fourteen,  represented 
by  the  following  women's  names:  Havtcats,  Alymos,  Hipa,  Liots,  Mave,  Meta, 
Wahas,  Kwicku,  Sikuma,  SinykwaL,   Cikupas,  Sikus,   Tcia,  Waksi. 


1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  157 

by  women's  names.  All  of  the  Mohave  women's  names  were  obtained 
by  Dr.  A.  L.  Kroeber5  except  the  name  Kwinifla,  which  is  from  Mr. 
E.  S.  Curtis'  list.6  This  list,  though  not  so  lengthy  as  Dr.  Kroeber 's, 
agrees  with  his  throughout.  The  Kohuana7  and  Maricopa  names  are 
entirely  from  Mr.  Curtis'  work.  The  Yuma  list  is  a  compound  of 
Mr.  J.  P.  Harrington's  and  my  own,  with  Mr.  Harrington's  orthog- 
raphy" slightly  altered.  The  Cocopa  and  Kamia  are  entirely  mine. 
Table  2  compares  the  names  for  women  employed  by  the  clans  of 
the  Mohave,  Yuma,  Cocopa,  Kohuana,  Maricopa,  and  Kamia.  Con- 
sidering the  identity  of  the  institution  in .  these  several  tribes,  it  is 
surprising  how  few  of  the  names  are  held  in  common  by  two  or  more 
of  the  tribes.  The  name  with  the  totemic  connotation  of  "dove"  or 
"pigeon"  seems  to  be  widest  spread,  Yuma,  Cocopa,  Kohuana,  and 
Kamia  using  it.  The  Cocopa  word  is  Sakuma,  which  the  other  three 
render  as  Sikama  or  Sikuma.  The  name  Hipa,  connoting  "coyote," 
is  used  by  the  Mohave,  Yuma,  and  Maricopa.  The  stem  connoting 
"rattlesnake"  is  shared  by  Yuma,  Kohuana,  and  Cocopa.  The  word 
Halpot  or  Halypota  is  shared  by  Mohave,  Yuma,  and  Kohuana, 
although  with  varying  connotations.  Aside  from  these  four  instances 
no  name  is  common  to  more  than  two  tribes,  and  comparatively  few 
are  even  shared  by  two.  Table  3  abstracts  these  instances  from  table 
2  and  presents  them  in  more  concise  form,  first  listing  the  names  of 
women  and  then  the  corresponding  totemic  references.      In  table  1 

a  solid  line  ( )  indicates  the  occurrence  of  the  totemic  reference, 

but  the  absence  of  the  woman's  clan  name.  In  table  2  a  solid  line 
indicates  the  occurrence  of  the  woman's  clan  name,  but  the  absence 
of  the  totemic  reference.  In  both  tables  1  and  2  a  dotted  line  indicates 
non-occurrence  of  the  name  listed  in  the  left-hand  column. 


s  Unpublished  material.  A  list  of  fourteen  clans  has  been  published  by 
Captain  John  G.  Bourke  in  his  Cosmogony  and  Theogony  of  the  Mojave  Indians 
(Jour.  Am.  Folk-Lore,  n,  180,  181,  1889).  The  list  agrees  with  Dr.  Kroeber 's 
throughout,  except  that  the  connotations  of  certain  of  the  terms  are  different. 
In  Captain  Bourke 's  list  Maha  is  assigned  to  caterpillar,  Kata  to  "mescal"  as 
well  as  tobacco,  and  Masipa  to  coyote  instead  of  quail.  With  regard  to  the  name 
Masipa,  which  is  no.  12  of  his  list  and  which  connotes  the  coyote,  Captain  Bourke 
says:  "No.  12  was  originally  a  band  of  Maricopas  that  came  to  live  with  the 
Mojaves  but  have  always  remained  as  a  separate  clan." 

e  The  North  American  Indian  (Cambridge,  Univ.  Press,  1908),  n,  113.  The 
orthography  of  Mr.  Curtis '  lists  has  been  slightly  modified  to  correspond  with  that 
employed  in  this  paper. 

'  Mentioned  by  Mr.  Curtis  as  "Maricopa  from  the  Cocopa."  Dr.  Kroeber 
considers  that  these  are  probably  clans  of  the  refugee  Kohuana  or  HalchiSoma. 

s  A  Yuma  Account  of  Origins,  Jour.  Am.  Folk-Lore,  xxi,  344,  345,  1908.  The 
following  are  listed:  Xavtsats,  Hipa,  tLa0ts,  Maave'  Ciqupas,  Met 'a,  Ab'mos, 
SinykwaL,  fistamadhun,  Kwicku,  Xalvpot,  Xakci. 


158 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 


TOTEMIC  EEFERENCE 


TABLE  1 

Clan  Name  of  Woman 


Sun 

Mohave 
Nyo  'iltca 
Nyo  'iltca 
Hoalya 
Mathatcva 
Owitc 

Yuma 

Cocopa 

KOHUANA 

Maricopa 

Liatc 

Liatc 

Kamia 

Fire 

Moon 

Wind 

Cloud 

Rain  cloud 

Liots 

Kwiye 
Kwas 

Sikus 

' '  Colorado   Eiver ' ' 

Salt 

Sand 

Ksila 

Hard  ground 

Waksi 
Alymos 
SinykwaL 
Hipa 

Niu 

Deer 

Nyo  'iltca 

Hipa 
Masipa 

Moha 

Siulya 

Malyikha 

Kwinis 

Kwaku 

Deer-hide 

Coyote 
Coyote 
Fox 

Sikus 

Hipa 

Kunyih 

Hipa 

Kunyih 

Mountain  sheep 
Beaver 

Kasmus 

Wahas 

Wood  rat 

Wild  cat 

Nimi 

' '  Any  yellow  animal ' 
Owl 

Kwutkil 

Kutkilya 
Mo0eha 
Motfeha 
Nyo  'iltca 
Masipa 

Screech   owl 

"A  bird" 

Eagle 

SinykwaL 

Quail 

Buzzard 

Liots 

Sakuma 

Liatc 
Pakit 

Buzzard 

"Dove" 

Sikuma 

Sakuma 

' '  Pigeon ' ' 
"A  bird" 

Sikama 

Kimitfi 

Maha 

Boadrunner 

Meta 
Tcia 
Mave 
Havtcats 

EstamaSur 

Nighthawk 
Rattlesnake 

Uru 
Smawi ' 
Kapsas 

Mave 

Frog 

Halypota 
Nyo  'iltca 

Humahnana  beetle 

"An  insect" 

L 

Caterpillar 

Maha 
Nyikha 

Caterpillar    (?) 
Red  ant 

Cikupas 
Kwicku 

Sinikwus 

Grasshopper   (?) 
Tobacco 

Kata 

VahaSa 

Vimaka 

Musa 

Tilya 

Kata 

KumaSiya 

Kwinitfa 

Tobacco 

Mesquite  bean 
Mesquite  screw 

Alymos 

Salal 

Namitutc 

Kalsmus 

"Mescal,"  yucca 
' '  Mescal ' ' 

Okatilla  cactus 

Kimi0i 

Prickly-pear  cactus 
Cholla  cactus 

Hipa 
Havtcatc 

White  corn 

Corn 

Tcatca 
Teatca 

Food 

Agricultural   food 

Sedge 

Soaked  willow  bark 

Havtcats 

Hutpas 

Kwicku 

Bark 

Kutcal 

"A  bush" 

Halpot 

1 '  Already  done ' ' 

Halypot 
Liots 

"Pima" 

1918] 


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1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  163 

Dr.  Kroeber  gives  two  examples  of  names  of  women  changed  after 
the  death  of  a  child :  Nyo  'iltca  becomes  Nyotca,  Siulya  becomes 
Knsuvilya. 

The  Yuma  as  well  as  the  Cocopa  have  a  special  name  for  the  old 
women  of  each  clan.  The  word  for  old  woman  (akoi  in  Yuma,  wakui 
in  Cocopa)  is  preposed  to  the  ordinary  totemic  name  for  the  woman, 
to  the  name  of  the  totem,  or  to  yet  another  name  which  is  neither  that 
of  the  woman  nor  of  the  totem.  Examples  of  all  three  types  are  to 
be  found  in  the  ensuing  table  (4)  in  numbers  13,  3,  and  6,  respectively. 
In  the  Yuma  Agency  records  the  youngest  woman  to  whom  the  term 
akoi  (old  woman)  was  applied  was  fifty-four  years  of  age.  The 
majority  of  women  with  this  term  were  in  the  neighborhood  of  eighty 
years.  Both  Yuma  and  Cocopa  informants  said  that  this  term  was 
applied  when  gray  hair  began  to  appear. 

Mr.  Harrington  mentions  two  terms  for  old  women.  On  page  337 
of  his  "A  Yuma  Account  of  Origins,"  is  the  following:  "When  the 
earth  was  dry  again,  Kwikumat  created  just  one  person  more, 
Akoiwitcyan  ('Yuma-Old- Woman').9  She  belonged  to  the  Xavtsats 
nation. ' '  In  footnote  2  on  page  345,  Mr.  Harrington  writes  as  follows 
concerning  the  mesquite-bean  clan,  the  women  of  which  are  called 
Alymos:  "An  old  woman  of  this  nation  bears  the  additional  name 
Akoiitchamal  ('Old- Woman-Something- White'),  because  the  mesquite 
beans  referred  to  by  Kumastamxo  [the  name-giver]  were  ripe  and 
white. ' '    I  have  included  this  name  in  table  4  as  number  4. 

TABLE  4 
Names  of  Old  Women,  Together  with  Usual  Clan  Names  of  Women  and 

Totemic  Eeferences 

Name  of  Woman  Name  of  Old  Woman- 
Yuma 

1.  Hipa  (coyote  =  hatelwe)  Akoixipa 

2.  Mave  (rattlesnake  =  avi)  Akoimavi' 

3.  Alymos   (deer  =  akwak)  Akoiyikwak 

4.  Alymos  (mesquite  bean  as  a  'is)  Akoiitchamal     - 

5.  Havtcats  Akoitulil 

6.  Havtcats   (frog  =  hani)  Akoiwitcan 

7.  Liots   ("Pima"  =  hatba)  Akoihetpa 

8.  Meta   (roadrunner  =  talypo)  Akoimeta 

9.  Cikupas    (red  ant  =  tcamaSul,  ikwis)  Akoisikupas 

10.  Kwicku  Akoikwisaku 

11.  SinykwaL  Akoisinykwai. 

12.  Wahas   (beaver  =  apen)  Akoivahas 

13.  Sikuma  (dove  =  xuskiva)  Akoisikuma 

14.  Tcia  (nighthawk  =  uru)  Akoiuru 

15.  Waksi  Akoiwaksi 


s  See  no.  6,  table  4. 


164  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

Table  4 — {Continued) 
Cocopa 

16.  Sakuma    (buzzard  =  panapalim)  Wakuipanapala 

17.  Sakuma  (dove  =  ilaku)  Wakuipanapala 

18.  Uru  (nighthawk  =  uru)  Wakuispi 

19.  Kasmus  (beaver  =  miskwism a)  Wakuimiskwisma 

20.  Watcuwal  ( selatce)  Wakutcilatce 

21.  Nimi  (wild  cat  =  sahulz)  Wakushulz 

22.  Sikus   (salt  =  isix)  Wakusix 

23.  Sikus   ( ixha)  Wakuixha 

24.  Sikus  ( hiizup)  Wakuhiizup 

25.  Sikus    (coyote  =  wihas)10  Wakuwihas 

26.  Kutcal  (bark  =  witcispax)  Wakumitispaxbai 

27.  Smawi'   (rattlesnake  =  mawi')  Wakusmawi 

28.  Kwas   (Colorado  River  =  kauwiLapa)  WakuauwiLapa 

29.  Kapsas  (frog  =  hanya')  Wakuitcayil 

30.  Niu  (deer  =  kwak)  Wakuniu' 

31.  Kwiye  (rain  cloud  =  iliwi)  Wakuimas 


Certain  of  the  names  of  women  in  the  preceding  lists,  the  Yuma 
themselves  attribute  to  other  dialects.  Sikus  is  said  to  be  the  name 
used  by  a  Kamia  clan,  and  it  certainly  is  a  common  Cocopa  name. 

The  totemic  references  which  I  obtained  for  certain  names  differ 
from  those  secured  by  Mr.  Harrington.  For  SinykwaL,  he  lists  deer- 
hide.  One  of  my  informants  mentioned  the  eagle  for  this  name.  For 
Alymos,  Mr.  Harrington  obtained  the  connotation  mesquite  bean, 
while  I  obtained  both  deer  and  mesquite  bean.  One  informant  stated 
that  Estama&um  was  equivalent  to  Havtcats.  The  connotation  of 
Kwicku  was  given  as  "grasshopper  or  other  insect";  Mr.  Harrington 
gives  it  as  "  soaked  willow  bark. ' '  The  name  Xakci  was  not  obtained, 
but  the  name  Waksi  was.  Captain  George  and  Henry  "Ward,  two 
Indians  who  went  over  the  Agency  records  with  me,  seemed  inclined 
to  identify  Waksi  with  Xakci.  In  the  records  there  were  no  indi- 
viduals attributed  to  Xakci,  but  many  to  Waksi. 

The  ensuing  table  5  lists  the  Mohave,  Yuma,  and  Cocopa  totemic 
references  so  far  as  they  have  been  obtained.  A  comparison  of  this 
table  with  table  1,  both  being  arranged  in  the  same  order,  is  all  that 
is  necessary  to  make  clear  the  fact  that  totemic  references  and  names 
of  women  have  little  in  common.  There  is  but  one  instance  in  which 
the  two  are  identical,  namely,  in  the  Cocopa  nighthawk  clan,  Uru 
being  both  the  totemic  reference  and  the  name  for  a  woman  of  the 
clan. 


3  0  Mr.  Harrington  gives  xattcpa  as  the  Cocopa  word   for  coyote    (Jour.   Am. 
Folk-Lore,  xxi,  345,  footnote  1,  1908). 


1918] 


Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California 


165 


TABLE  5 

Native  Names  of  Objects  Eeferred  to  in  Women's  Clan  Names 


Sun 

Mohave 
anya 
a  'auva 
haly  'a 
matha 
ikwe 

Yuma 

Cocopa 

Fire 

Moon 

Wind 

Cloud 

Eain  cloud 

akwi 

' '  Colorado    River : 

i  > 

akwaka 
hukflara 

kauwiLapa 

kwak 

wihas 

Deer 

Coyote 
Fox 

akwak 
hatelwe ' 
hat  'elwe ' 

Mountain  sheep 

ammo 
apena 
amalyka 

Beaver 
Wood  rat 

apen 

miskwisma 

Wild  cat 

nume 

Owl 

Sokupita 

tulauka 

amatakunyevi 

aspa 

ahma 

Screech   owl 

Species  of  bird 
Eagle 

Quail 

Buzzard 

ase 

xuskiva 

talypo 

uru 

ave 

hani 

panapalim 
ilaku 

Dove 
Roadrunner 

sakumaha  (?) 

Nighthawk 

Rattlesnake 

Frog 

Species  of  beetle 

Caterpillar    (?) 

Red  ant 

hanye 

humahnana 

ame 

mawi' 
hanya' 

tcamaSul,  ikwis 

Tobacco 

auva 

aya 

a'isa 

vaSilya 

a  'ikumaSi 

taSitca 

kuhutcatca 

Mesquite   bean 
Mesquite   screw 
' '  Mescal, ' '  yucca 

a 'is 

Corn 

taSiitc 

Food 

Bark 

witcispax 

' '  Pima ' ' 

hat  'ba 

(=  Maricopa) 

Dr.  Kroeber  suggests  that  the  clan  names  of  women  are  perhaps 
archaic  Yuman  words.  Certain  evidence  in  the  preceding  lists  would 
seem  to  lend  color  to  this  hypothesis,  although  the  evidence  might  also 
be  interpreted  as  indicating  a  borrowing  of  names.  The  Cocopa  name 
Sakuma,  which  is  applied  to  women  of  the  buzzard  and  dove  totems, 
is  found  in  Mohave  in  the  term  sakumaha,  a  species  of  bird,  possibly 
the  dove.     The  Cocopa  name  Nimi,  which  is  applied  to  women  of  the 


166 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 


wild  cat  clan,  is  the  Dieguefio  word  for  wild  cat.  I  repeated  a  num- 
ber of  the  Yuma  clan  names  of  women  to  a  Diegueno  informant  at 
Campo,  San  Diego  County,  California,  with  the  idea  that  if  they 
were  archaic  Yuman  words  they  might  have  continued  in  every  day 
use  among  Yuman  peoples  other  than  the  Yuma.  The  Diegueno 
informant  also  spoke  Papago  and  remarked  that  he  thought  the  Yuma 
name  Liots  was  perhaps  Papago  suut,  meaning  "to  break  out  with 
disease  on  the  pubes."  Although  there  are  some  cases  of  folk 
etymologies  in  it,  the  following  list  of  alleged  meanings  is  presented 
for  what  it  is  worth. 


Probable 

Yuma  Name 

Diegueno  Equivalent 

Meaning 

Hipa 

hiba 

man 

Alymos 

limis 

pubic  hair 

Havtcats 

havtcats 

uterus 

Meta 

ground 

Wahus 

wet  house 

Sikuma 

sikuma 

carrying  lunch 

Sikus 

sikus 

white  fish 

Tcia 

tcia 

species  of  fish 

Waksi 

waksi 

hard  ground 

The  list  of  sixteen  Cocopa  clans  was  given  me  by  Frank  Tehana 
and  Stump  Barley,  a  shaman.  The  Cocopa  data  were  obtained  from 
these  men  at  Somerton,  Arizona. 

Both  of  my  informants  belong  to  the  buzzard  (panapalim)  clan, 
yet  their  personal  names  do  not  refer  to  that  bird.  Stump  Barley's 
name  is  Kwalkumuyesx,  which  is  said  to  mean  something  like  "old- 
woman-mouldy-bread."  Frank  Tehana 's  name  is  Isbaxkwisain, 
meaning  "Yuma  eagle"  (isbax,  eagle;  kwisain,  Yuma).  Each  of 
these  men  said  that  he  was  so  named  in  infancy  by  his  father. 

Although  Cocopa  clans  are  exogamous,  there  are  no  favored  clans 
in  marriage.  There  is  no  clan  endogamy,  for  members  of  a  clan 
consider  themselves  to  be  blood  relatives.  There  are  said  to  be  no 
clan  paints  or  tattoos  and  no  clan  chiefs.  The  Cocopa  chieftain 
(kwiswap)  was  selected  by  the  people,  a  son  succeeding  his  father 
only  in  case  the  people  considered  him  to  have  sufficient  ability. 
There  were  no  chieftainesses. 

The  totems  of  the  Cocopa  clans  are  said  to  have  been  assigned  to 
the  clans  by  the  god  Maskwaiyek  in  the  beginning  of  the  world  before 
the  tribes  of  mankind  had  separated.  The  Cocopa  do  not  believe 
in  descent  from  the  totem.  Totemites  do  not  kill  their  totem,  although 
at  liberty  to  kill  the  totems  of  other  clans. 


1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  167 

The  fragmentary  list  of  Kamia  clan  names  for  women  was  obtained 
from  Placidus  Aspa,  a  mixed  blood  Southern  Diegueno  living  at 
present  on  the  Yuma  Indian  Reservation.  Aspa  from  infancy  lived 
with  the  Kamia.  The  clan  names  of  women  with  the  Kamia  as  with 
the  Yuma  are  being  anglicized  and  adopted  as  surnames.  One  of 
Aspa's  girl  cousins  possesses  the  clan  name  of  iLkamyab  which  she 
has  anglicized  to  Helimpa  as  a  surname,  also  applied  to  her  father. 

DIEGUEfrO 

Both  the  Northern  and  Southern  Diegueno  possess  non-totemic, 
exogamous  clans  with  paternal  descent.  In  both  dialects  the  word 
for  clan  is  "simiis,"  usually  translated  as  "tribe."  Each  clan  was 
probably  localized,  or  at  least  regarded  as  localized  by  the  natives. 
This  fact  perhaps  renders  pertinent  the  question  whether  these  social 
groups  are  true  clans  or  only  local  groups.  Exogamy  and  patrilinear 
descent  would  seem  to  indicate  that  they  are  really  clans.  All  mem- 
bers of  a  group  consider  themselves  related,  and  often  at  the  present 
day  the  clan  name  is  added  to,  or  takes  the  place  of,  the  American 
surname.  An  example  of  the  first  sort  is  found  in  the  case  of  two 
informants  of  different  families,  but  of  one  clan:  Jose  Largo  Hetmiel 
and  James  McCarty  Hetmiel,  Hetmiel11  being  the  elan  name.  Largo 
and  McCarty  are  distant  relatives.  An  example  of  the  second  sort 
is  found  in  the  clan  name  KwiLp  (Northern  Diegueno),  which  has 
been  adopted  as  a  family  name.  One  of  my  informants  was  called 
Angel  Quilp.  The  Shoshonean  peoples  of  southern  California  also 
frequently  utilize  the  clan  name  as  a  surname.  The  groups  in  ques- 
tion have  been  called  families  by  Dr.  Waterman,  who  states  that  they 
possess  migration  traditions:  "The  Diegueno  have  also  certain  brief 
migration  traditions,  but  they  are  localized  in  various  families  and 
do  not  at  all  correspond  to  this  Mohave-Luiseilo  story  of  a  general 
migratory  stage  in  the  history  of  human  kind."12 

The  following  list  of  Southern  Diegueno  clans  was  obtained  from 
Hutcukal,  an  aged  women  from  the  western  Imperial  Valley,  and  from 
James  McCarty,  whose  ancestors  lived  on  the  east  slope  of  the  Tecate 
Divide. 


n  Miss  C.  G.  Du  Bois  recorded  this  as  a  surname  in  the  form  Hitlmiup  (Univ. 
Calif.  Publ.  Am.  Arch.  Ethn.,  vm,  124,  1908).  Her  rendering  of  the  name  is 
probably  more  nearly  correct  than  mine,  as  I  suspect  that  I  was  given  an  anglicized 
form. 

12  Analysis  of  the  Mission  Indian  Creation  Story,  Am.  Anthr.,  n.s.,  xi,  52, 
1909. 


168  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

1.  Kanihitc.  Clan  of  Hutcukal  and  of  her  father.  This  clan  lives  at  the 
Gampo  Agency,  but  came  originally  from  the  southwestern  part  of  Imperial 
Valley.     By  James  McCarty  the  name  of  this  clan  was  rendered  as  Kwinhitc. 

2.  Haiyipa.  Clan  of  Hutcukal 's  mother.  Hakwino  (region  of  "Blue  Lake" 
and  of  Cameron  Lake  near  Calexico)  in  southwestern  Imperial  Valley  was  the 
home  of  this  clan. 

3.  Hakisput.  Another  Imperial  Valley  clan  which  lived  at  a  place  called 
Hatcupai,  where  there  was  a  spring. 

4.  Hetmiel.  A  Southern  Dieguefio  clan  now  living  in  the  mountains  near 
Campo  Agency.  This  clan  formerly  lived  at  Hakwasik,  on  the  eastern  slope  of 
the  Tecate  Divide,  below  Jacumba  Valley,  but  north  of  the  international  boundary. 

5.  Naxwatc.  Clan  of  James  McCarty 's  wife.  The  home  place  of  this  clan 
was  Miskwatnuk,  which  lies  to  the  north  of  the  Campo  Agency. 

6.  Kwitak.  Clan  of  James  McCarty 's  mother.  This  clan  lived  on  the  site 
of  Warren's  Hotel  at  Campo. 

7.  Yatcap.      This  clan  lived  at  Hakisab,  northeast  of  Campo  Agency. 

8.  KwatL.  This  clan  lived  at  Hakwaskwak  (Bitter  Water),  Jacumba  Valley, 
Lower  California.      The  name  means  ' '  hide  of  an  animal. ' ' 

9.  Tumau.  This  clan  formerly  lived  near  Brawley,  Imperial  Valley,  where 
there  are  several  springs.^  It  is  said  to  live  with  the  Yuma  at  the  present  time. 
Tumau  is  said  to  mean  ' '  grasshopper ' '  and  refers  to  the  fact  that  this  clan 
ate  grasshoppers.  This  recalls  the  grasshopper  clans  of  the  Yuma  (see  p.  158) 
and  of  the  Cahuilla  (see  p.  191).  In  the  case  of  the  Cahuilla  the  name  is  said 
to  have  been  assigned  for  a  similar  reason. 

10.  HiLmawa.  This  clan  lived  at  Snauyaka  (Manzanita),  San  Diego  County. 
Dr.  Kroeber  obtained  xesiL  as  the  name  of  Manzanita  (the  place)  and  of  a 
species  of  manzanita.  It  is  also  the  name  of  a  Northern  Dieguefio  clan  (see 
p.  173). 

11.  Saikul.  This  clan  lived  at  Matkwai  (probably  Mataguay),  northeast  of 
Manzanita. 

12.  Miskwis.  The  home  of  this  clan  was  not  known.  An  old  woman  of  this 
clan  lives  on  the  Campo  Reservation. 

13.  Kwamai.  This  clan  lived  at  Pilyakai,  at  or  near  La  Posta,  San  Diego 
County.      Kwamai  is  said  to  mean  ' '  wishing  to  be  big  or  tall. ' ' 

Each  clan  in  ancient  times  had  a  chief  (kwaipai)  who  was  selected 
by  his  clansmen.  Women  were  never  chosen.  The  especial  business 
of  the  chief  was  to  manage  ceremonial  affairs.  The  chief's  assistant, 
kwaipai  walmun  ("little  chief")  was  also  selected  by  his  clansmen. 
The  Northern  Dieguefio  of  Mesa  Grande,  San  Diego  County,  stated 
that  their  clan  chiefs  were  hereditary,  which  in  spite  of  the  above 
statements  to  the  contrary,  I  am  inclined  to  believe  was  the  case  with 
the  Southern  Diegueno  chieftains.  The  clan  chiefs  of  all  neighboring 
Shoshonean  groups  are  hereditary.  Of  course  it  must  be  borne  in 
mind  that  the  Cocopa  also  stated  that  their  chiefs  were  selected.  It 
is  possible  that  the  Cocopa  and  Southern  Diegueno  are  similar  in 
this  respect. 


13  Possibly  the   Sunset   Springs,  thirteen  miles  south  by  east   of  Brawley. 


1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  169 

Upon  marriage  a  woman  did  not  become  a  member  of  her  hus- 
band's clan.  She  always  remained  a  member  of  the  clan  of  her 
father.     She  went  to  live  with  her  husband's  clan,  however. 

The  Southern  Diegueno  clans  and  .those  of  the  Colorado  River 
tribes  have  two  features  in  common,  paternal  descent  and  exogamy. 
The  former  clans  seem  to  be  localized,  however,  while  the  latter  are 
not.  As  already  stated,  the  localized  Diegueno  clans  are  non-totemic, 
resembling  closely  the  numerous  localized  Cahuilla  clans,  which  are 
non-totemic  in  themselves,  although  totemic  as  sections  of  a  larger 
group,  the  moiety.  The  Cahuilla  totems  are  the  coyote  and  the  wild 
cat,  approximately  half  of  the  clans  claiming  the  former  and  half 
the  latter. 

Southern  Diegueno  informants  told  me  that  they  "claimed"  the 
wild  cat  as  their  "property"  and  their  "god."  They  believed  that 
the  wild  cat  ' '  raised ' '  them,  and  they  never  killed  it.  In  connection 
with  the  wild  cat  as  a  culture  hero  the  Southern  Diegueno  employ  a 
color  symbolism.  They  say  that  in  the  east  there  was  a  red  wild  cat, 
in  the  west  a  blue  one.14  The  eastern  wild  cat  is  called  nimikumwal 
(weak  wild  cat)  and  the  western  wild  cat  nimikiispil  (strong  wild 
cat).  The  Imperial  Valley  people  as  well  as  the  mountain  people 
say  that  the  wild  cat  is  their  "property." 

The  wild  cats  were  made  by  the  creator  Maiyoha  and  his  brother, 
who  came  from  the  ocean.  The  red  wild  cat  went  to  the  east  slope 
of  the  mountains  which  he  claimed  as  his;  the  blue  wild  cat  went  to 
the  west  slope  which  he  claimed.  The  Imperial  Valley  people 
(Inyak15  or  Kwelmixa)  are  the  people  of  the  red  wild  cat.  The 
Kamiyaihi  (Southern  Diegueno  of  the  mountains)  are  the  people  of 
the  blue  wild  cat.  Neither  of  these  shadowy  groups  are  exogamous, 
however.     People  are  related  to  the  wild  cats  as  to  brothers. 

The  two  wild  cats  are  the  ones  who  first  told  the  months  of  the 
year.  The  month  in  which  they  began  counting  was  IlyakweL  (cold 
month).  Then  followed  five  more :  Hexanimsup  (snow  month),  Xatai 
(cold  month),  Hexapsu  (rain  month),  Hatyamatinya  (rain  month), 
and  Ixyanidja  (growing  month).16      This  information  was  gathered 


"  The  association  of  red  with  east  and  blue  with  west  disagrees  with  Dr. 
Waterman's  data.  According  to  him,  "North  is  associated  with  red,  east  with 
white,  south  with  blue  or  green,  these  colors  not  being  distinguished  by  the 
Diegueno,  and  west  with  black."  (The  Eeligious  Practices  of  the  Diegueno 
Indians,  present  series,  vm,  333,  1910.)  It  is  not  unlikely  that  my  informant, 
James  McCarty,  made  an  error. 

is  Inyak  means  "east." 

is  Miss  Du  Bois  records  the  six  months  of  the  Diegueno  as  follows :  Hutlnama- 
shap,  Hutltai,  HutlpsAvi,  Hutlkwurx,  Hutlmatanai,  Hutlanaxa  (present  series,  vm, 
165,  footnote,  1908). 


170  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

during  the  first  half  of  January,  which  time  was  called  Xatai. 
Although  the  informant  (James  McCarty)  designated  the  months  as 
"snow,"  "cold,"  "rain,"  and  "growing,"  he  stated  that  after  the 
sixth  month  the  series  was  repeated. 

In  a  version  of  the  origin  myth  presented  in  this  paper  the  wild 
cats  lead  the  people  to  the  region  of  Campo.  Following  a  mythical 
image  ceremony,  the  red  wild  cat  asks :  ' '  Are  we  to  live  and  multiply 
forever,  or  are  we  to  die?"  Although  nothing  further  in  this  con- 
nection could  be  obtained  from  the  informant,  it  seems  clear  that  the 
wild  cat  had  a  hand  in  ordering  the  affairs  of  men.17 

Considering  that  nearby  Shoshonean  groups,  namely  Cahuilla, 
Cupeho,  and  Serrano,  have  the  wild  cat  and  the  coyote  as  totems, 
the  above  data  concerning  the  status  of  the  wild  cat  among  the  South- 
ern Diegueho  take  on  an  added  significance.  The  coyote,  however, 
is  in  disrepute.  "When  asked  about  him,  James  McCarty  replied: 
"Coyote  is  a  strange  fellow.  He  is  always  lying,  and  he  eats  the 
dead.  No  one  wishes  him  for  a  relative."  The  fox  is  not  claimed 
as  "property"  as  is  the  wild  cat,  even  though  it  plays  a  considerable 
part  in  the  Southern  Diegueho  creation  story  as  obtained  from  James 
McCarty  and  presented  in  the  following  pages. 

All  was  salt  water  in  the  beginning.  In  the  water  there  were  tAvo  deities, 
Maiyoha  and  his  younger  brother.  Maiyoha  had  come  to  the  surface  of  the 
water,  when  his  younger  brother  asked  how  he  had  gone  up;  if  he  had  had  his 
eyes  open.  Maiyoha  replied,  "Yes."  The  younger  brother  came  up  with 
his  eyes  open,  but  when  he  reached  the  surface  he  could  not  see.  The  salt  had 
blinded  him.  Maiyoha  pulled  his  younger  brother  up  blind.  With  the  younger 
brother  was  the  silver  fox  (madkauwai)  of  the  desert. 

The  earth  was  made  by  Maiyoha.  When  the  blind  younger  brother  came  to 
the  surface  of  the  water,  he  felt  of  the  earth,  for  he  had  come  up  to  mate  with 
it.  Where  the  blind  one  put  his  hand  on  the  small  piece  of  land  which  had  been 
made,  there  came  red  ants.  He  commenced  pushing  them  into  the  ground.  The 
more  ants  he  pushed  in,  the  more  earth  they  dug  up,  constantly  increasing  the 
size  of  the  land  until  our  world  was  made. 

The  blind  younger  god  knew  now  why  he  was  to  go  underground  later.  He 
sat  on  the  land  after  it  became  large.  He  kept  feeling  for  his  silver  fox,  which 
had  come  up  with  him  in  the  beginning.  He  was  four  days  on  the  ground,  sitting 
steadily  in  one  place.  The  two  gods  sitting  by  the  fire  made  the  two  wild  cats, 
the  red  wild  cat  of  the  east  and  the  blue  wild  cat  of  the  west. 

The  brothers  disputed  over  the  ownership  of  the  silver  fox  which  had  come  up 
with  the  younger  brother.  Maiyoha  secretly  put  the  red  fox  (parxau)  behind 
his  younger  brother  to  deceive  him.  He  asked  his  younger  brother,  "Is  your 
fox  still  with  you?"  The  blind  younger  brother  felt  the  fur  of  the  animal 
behind  him  and  replied,  "No." 


17  In  a  version  of  the  creation  myth  presented  by  Dr.  Waterman  (The  Eeligious 
Practices  of  the  Dieguefio  Indians,  present  series,  vm,  341,  1910)  a  wild  cat 
dance  is  mentioned.  The  context  does  not  make  clear  whether  it  is  a  Diegueno 
dance  or  not. 


1918J  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  171 

After  three  days  the  silver  fox,  which  was  also  blind,  went  into  the  ground. 
It  is  in  the  ground  now.  The  younger  brother  went  into  the  ground  too,  because 
he  was  angry  over  the  deception  practised  by  his  older  brother,  Maiyoha.  He 
went  right  into  the  earth  again.  After  he  went  down  a  hole  was  left.  Maiyoha 
tried  to  cover  the  hole  with  dirt  scraped  with  his  foot.  He  held  his  foot  over 
the  hole,  but  he  had  no  dirt  between  his  toes.  Disease  came  up  through  the 
openings  between  his  toes.  It  was  made  by  the  injured  brother  in  his  anger 
over  the  exchange  of  foxes.  He  was  angry  because  his  brother  had  thus  taken 
advantage  of  his  blindness. 

Maiyoha,  the  one  who  stayed  on  earth,  felt  sad  over  his  younger  brother  leav- 
ing him.  He  then  made  a  man  and  a  woman  from  clay.  He  made  a  fire  and 
laid  one  piece  of  clay  at  one  side  of  the  fire  and  another  piece  at  the  opposite 
side.  The  man  was  perfect  but  the  woman  popped  to  pieces.  Maiyoha  then 
pulled  a  whisker  from  his  ehin  and  laid  it  between  the  legs  of  the  image  he 
had  remodeled  for  the  woman.  The  images  lay  beside  the  fire  where  he  left 
them.  They  were  dumb.  All  people  sprang  from  this  pair  and  because  they 
knew  nothing,  Indians  today  lack  knowledge  of  machinery  and  other  inventions 
of  civilization. 

The  god  watched  the  images  during  the  night.  Toward  morning  he  thought 
he  heard  them  talking.  At  daybreak  he  said  to  himself,  "I  believe  that  I  have 
accomplished  a  great  undertaking.  There  is  no  need  of  my  remaining  here. 
Since  I  have  done  so  excellently,  I  may  as  well  go  up  into  the  sky. ' ' 

The  people  asked  the  god  how  they  had  come  into  being.  He  told  them  that 
it  was  through  his  will  and  through  the  manner  in  which  he  had  made  them. 
He  watched  them  as  they  looked  at  each  other.  They  came  together  and  slept. 
The  god  Maiyoha,  the  older  brother,  went  to  the  sky,  where  he  is  now.  The 
earth  from  which  the  two  figures  were  made  was  Tcaipakomat  or  Teakumat,is  the 
first  man. 

The  two  people  he  had  created  could  not  see.  After  remedying  this  defect  the 
god  Maiyoha  went  to  the  sky.  As  he  departed  to  the  sky  he  said,  "I  have  made 
everything:  the  earth,  the  sun,  the  moon,  the  people."  His  younger  brother 
had  gone  into  the  ground.  The  two  created  beings,  the  first  man  and  the  first 
Avoman  were  the  progenitors  of  mankind.  The  morning  following  their  first 
slumber  children  were  born. 

After  the  people  had  become  very  numerous,  they  prepared  for  a  keruk 
(image)  ceremony  at  Wikami.ia  After  this  ceremony  the  red  wild  cat  asked, 
"Are  we  to  live  and  multiply  forever,  or  are  we  to  die?" 

Wild  cat  led  the  people  from  Wikami  in  a  great  arc  to  the  north  and  west 
until  he  reached  the  seashore,  then  south  along  the  coast,  and  finally  to  the  region 
of  Campo.  The  red  wild  cat  turned  back  at  Wikelel,  east  of  Imperial  Valley. 
From  that  point  the  people  were  led  by  the  blue  wild  cat. 

18  Tcakumat  is  said  to  mean  literally  teak,  woman,  and  mat,  earth.  The 
names  Tcaipakomat  and  Tcakumat  correspond  with  the  names  Tuchaipa  and 
Yokomatis  or  Yokomat,  given  by  Miss  Du  Bois  for  the  creator  and  his  younger 
brother.  She  states  that  these  two  names  are  sometimes  given  as  one:  Chaipako- 
mat  (Jour.  Am.  Folk-Lore.  xxi,  229,  1908;  and  Congr.  Intern.  American.,  xv, 
Quebec  n,  131,  1906).  Tcaipakomat  was  obtained  by  Dr.  Waterman  as  the  name 
of  the  creator,  the  older  brother  (present  series,  vm,  338,  1910). 

19  Identified  by  my  informant  with  Chimney  Peak,  near  the  Colorado  River, 
Imperial  County,  California.  By  a  Dieguefio  informant  of  Miss  Du  Bois'  Wikami 
is  located  in  Mohave  territory  (Am.  Anthr.,  n.s.,  vn,  627,  1905).  The  Mohave 
counterpart  of  Wikami  is  called  Avikwame  and  is  identified  with  Dead  or  New- 
berry Mountain  in  southern  Nevada  (A.  L.  Kroeber,  Jour.  Am.  Folk-Lore,  xix, 
315,  1906). 


172  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

Wild  plum  (akai)  and  chemise  brush  (epi)  were  here  (at  Campo)  for  the 
people  to  eat  and  to  burn.  The  people  argued  over  how  they  should  live.  They 
called  on  lizard  to  help  them  to  decide.  Lizard  asked  if  they  were  satisfied. 
They  replied,  "Yes.  We  will  do  whatever  you  say.  We  will  live  here  and  die 
here."  This  is  the  end  of  the  story  about  the  coming  of  the  people  to  the 
Campo  region. 

The  people  at  Wikami  wished  to  obtain  songs  and  ceremonies.  An  immense 
snake  named  Maihiyowita  lived  in  the  water  at  the  south  end  of  the  world.  Sand- 
hill crane  (mekolk)  was  sent  to  invite  the  snake  to  Wikami,  because  he  possessed 
all  songs  and  ceremonies.  Sandhill  crane  cried  all  the  way  to  the  snake's  house 
and  all  the  way  back,  so  that  the  people  would  know  that  he  was  coming  and 
would  enlarge  the  dance  house. 

Maihiyowita  asked  sandhill  crane,  "Why  did  you  come?"  Sandhill  crane 
replied,  ' '  The  people  sent  me  after  you.  They  want  songs  of  different  kinds. ' ' 
The  snake  said  he  would  go  and  crane  told  him  to  arrive  at  Wikami  late  in  the 
afternoon.  Sandhill  crane  returned  and  told  the  people  that  he  had  delivered 
their  message  and  that  the  snake  was  coming.  The  snake  was  very  large,  being 
about  a  foot  and  one-half  in  diameter.  The  snake  coiled  in  the  house  which  the 
people  made  for  him  so  that  he  completely  filled  it.  They  kept  extending  it 
until  daylight,  when  they  set  fire  to  it.  They  set  fire  to  the  house  with  the 
snake  in  it,  because  he  would  not  divulge  the  songs.  The  snake  burst.  The 
larger  portion  of  him  slid  back  southward;  the  smaller  portion  remained  at 
Wikami,  where  it  is  still  visible  together  wth  the  tracks  of  the  people.  A  por- 
tion of  the  snake's  knowledge  flew  over  to  Campo,  where  it  was  secured  by  the 
people.  The  following  are  the  songs  which  were  thus  secured  by  the  Campo 
Diegueno:  Tcaiyautai,  Tomant,2o  Tuharl,  Hataumaltaiye,  Sil,21  Atcawhal,22 
Urorp,23  Hurlturli,24  Tipai,  and  Isa. 

The  following  data  refer  to  the  Northern  Diegueno.  An  informant 
(Tomaso  Curo)  at  Mesa  Grande,  San  Diego  County,  gave  me  the 
names  of  twelve  Northern  Diegueno  clans  and  of  one  Southern 
Diegueno  clan,  the  KwatL  (see  p.  168).  All  of  the  Mesa  Grande  clans 
lived  at  Mesa  Grande  only  in  the  summer  and  at  a  place  known  as 
Pamo  in  the  winter.  The  name  Pamo,  Tomaso  Curo  informed  me, 
means  "a  hole  worn  in  the  rock  by  water."  Dr.  Kroeber  obtained 
from  Rocendo  Curo,  Tomaso 's  brother,  the  following  derivation : 
paum,  to  sit;  mu,  a  bush.  The  elevation  of  Pamo  is  about  nine 
hundred  feet;  that  of  Mesa  Grande  is  thirty-three  hundred  feet. 
Pamo  village,  located  in  a  valley  now  known  by  that  name,  lay  down- 
stream from  Mesa  Grande  about  nine  miles  and  is  spoken  of  as  the 
real  home  of  the  Diegueno  now  living  permanently  at  Mesa  Grande. 


20  Eecorded  by  Miss  Du  Bois  as  Tutomunp    (present  series,  vm,  123,  1908). 
Probably  equivalent  to  Mohave  Tumanpa  (according  to  A.  L.  Kroeber). 
2i  Probably  Esily   (salt). 

22  Possibly  to  be  identified  with  Kachawharr,  recorded  by  Miss  Du  Bois  (Jour. 
Am.  Folk-Lore,  xxi,  229,  1908). 

23  Eecorded  by  Miss  Du  Bois  as  Orup  (present  series,  vm,  124,  1908). 

24  Probably  equivalent  to  ' '  Horloi, ' '  the  name  of  a  Northern  Diegueno  dance 
(T.  T.  Waterman,  present  series,  vm,  320,  1910). 


1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  173 

Formerly  strangers  caught  poaching  in  the  Mesa  Grande  region  were 
killed. 

1.  Kukuro.  This  word  is  said  to  mean  "dark"  or  "shaded."  This  is  the 
clan  of  Tomaso  Curo,  whose  ancestors  lived  at  San  Diego  Mission  and  at  Tijuana, 
Lower  California.      He  was  not  certain  of  the  original  home  of  the  clan. 

2.  Letcapa.  This  name  is  said  to  mean  ' '  short, ' '  although  this  is  not  the 
meaning  of  Spanish  La  Chapa,  which  this  name  appears  to  be.  A  family  by 
the  name  of  La  Chapa  is  attributed  to  Manzanita,  San  Diego  County,  by  Dr. 
Waterman. 25 

3.  Matuwir.  This  name  is  said  to  mean  "hard  like  rock."  This  clan  is  said 
to  have  been  very  numerous  in  former  times,  occupying  the  country  for  eight 
miles  to  the  south  of  Mesa  Grande.  Miss  Du  Bois  gives  this  as  one  of  the  Indian 
names  of  Cinon  Duro,  a  Diegueno  informant,  whose  full  name  she  gives  as  "Ho- 
ko-yel  Mut-a-weer. '  '*• 

4.  Critcak.  This  is  probably  the  name  of  a  species  of  owl.  The  clan  bearing 
this  name  lived  at  both  Parao  and  Mesa  Grande. 

5.  Kwix,p.  This  is  said  to  be  the  name  of  a  shrub.  The  clan  of  this  name 
lived  at  both  Pamo  and  Mesa  Grande. 

6.  XesiL.  This  is  the  name  of  a  small  variety  of  manzanita,  which  at  the 
present  day  furnishes  berries  for  jelly.  The  clan  bearing  this  name  lived  at  the 
village  of  Tauwi  (San  Jose)  on  Warner's  Eanch  at  the  foot  of  the  "Mesa  Grande 
Mountains. ' ' 

7.  U'u.      A  species  of  owl.      This  clan  lived  at  both  Pamo  and  Mesa  Grande. 

8.  Baipa.      A  clan  living  at  Santa  Ysabel. 

9.  Esun.      A  clan  living  at  Santa  Ysabel. 

10.  Gwaha.27  A  species  of  wormwood  (Artemisia).  This  is  the  name  of  a 
Santa  Ysabel  clan. 

11.  Tumau.  This  name  is  said  to  mean  "grasshopper."  This  clan  was 
scattered,  living  at  Mesa  Grande,  Santa  Ysabel,  and  elsewhere.  At  present 
members  of  it  live  at  Capitan  Grande.  The  informant  distinctly  stated  that  this 
was  not  the  Tumau  clan  of  the  Southern  Diegueno   (see  p.  168). 

12.  Xipuwatc.     A  Santa  Ysabel  clan. 

The  Northern  Diegueno  clans  are  exogamous.  The  clan  of  a  child 
is  always  that  of  its  father.  A  woman  is  said  to  become  a  member 
of  her  husband's  clan,  a  custom  at  variance  with  the  reported  South- 
ern Diegueno  custom.  It  may  be  that  the  informant  interpreted 
living  with  the  husband's  clan  as  becoming  a  member  of  it.  However, 
as  descent  is  patrilinear  with  both  Southern  and  Northern  Diegueno, 
the  fact  that  the  wife  becomes,  or  does  not  become,  a  member  of  her 
husband's  clan  in  no  way  affects  the  result. 

Each  clan  had  an  hereditary  chief  known  as  a  kwaipai  or  kutcut. 
The  widow  of  a  chief  might  perform  the  functions  of  her  deceased 
husband.      The  chief's  assistant  was  called  koreau.      Some  members 

25  Analysis  of  the  Mission  Indian  Creation  Story,  Am.  Anthr.,  n.s.,  xi,  52, 
footnote,  1909. 

26  Religious  Ceremonies  and  Myths  of  the  Mission  Indians,  Am.  Anthr.,  n.s.. 
vii,  621,  1905. 

27  Dr.  Kroeber  obtained  the  words  "ily  gwaxan"  for  "woods." 


174  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

of  a  clan  were  scattered,  but  when  the  clan  gave  a  ceremony,  the  chief 
recalled  the  scattered  members  to  assist.  My  informants  assigned  the 
scattering  to  the  necessity  of  making  a  living  and  to  deaths  in  the 
family.     The  first  cause  did  not  operate  in  ancient  times. 

At  Pamo,  where  several  of  the  Northern  Diegueno  clans  lived, 
there  was  a  village  chief  (also  called  kwaipai)  in  addition  to  the 
hereditary  clan  chiefs.  The  village  chief  was  elected.  Each  clan 
owned  an  eagle  (or  more  likely  a  pair  of  eagles),  and  the  feathers  of 
an  eagle  killed  ceremonially  were  used  for  the  making  of  a  feather 
skirt.28  Other  ceremonies  with  animal  motives  occur  following 
dreams  and  when  animals  are  killed  under  peculiar  circumstances. 
If  a  man  dream's  of  a  rattlesnake  he  must  give  a  dance  afterwards. 
A  year  before  my  visit  at  Mesa  Grande,  a  wild  cat  was  killed  while 
trying  to  enter  a  house.  The  man  who  killed  it  had  to  give  a 
propitiatory  dance. 

The  information  from  Northern  Diegueno  informants  does  not 
seem  to  indicate  as  definite  a  localization  of  the  clans  as  do  the  South- 
ern Diegueno  data.  It  is  possible  that  removal  to  the  missions  and 
subsequent  segregation  on  reservations  has  effaced  the  knowledge  of 
the  original  distribution  of  clans  from  the  minds  of  the  Northern 
Diegueno.  The  more  remote  Southern  Diegueno,  less  in  contact 
with  the  missions,  would  certainly  be  more  likely  to  retain  such 
information. 

PIMAN  CLANS 

It  seems  necessary  to  reproduce  the  evidence  concerning  totemic 
clans  among  the  Pima  and  Papago  for  comparison  with  the  Califor- 
nian  data  presented  in  this  paper.  The  Pima  and  Papago,  like  the 
Californian  tribes  under  consideration,  trace  descent  through  males. 
Mr.  Frank  Russell29  and  Mr.  E.  S.  Curtis30  have  published  brief 
accounts  of  the  Pima  clan  system.  These  do  not  agree  in  certain 
respects  and  are  therefore  quoted  in  full.  Mr.  Curtis  has  published 
also  an  account  of  the  Papago  clan  system,31  which  is  likewise  quoted 
in  full. 

The  following  quotation  presents  Mr.  Russell 's  Pima  data : 

Descent  is  traced  in  the  male  line  and  there  are  five  groups  that  may  be  called 
gentes,  though  they  exert  no  influence  upon  marriage  laws  nor  do  they  manifest 

28  The  eagle  ceremony  is  described  by  Dr.  Waterman  (present  series,  vm, 
314,  1910). 

29  26th  Ann.  Eep.  Bur.  Am.  Ethn.  for  1904-1905  (1908),  197. 

so  The  North  American  Indian   (Cambridge,  University  Press,  1908),  II,  9. 
si  Ibid.,  p.  32. 


1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  175 

any  evidences  of  organization  so  far  as  ascertained.  The  names  of  these  groups 
have  lost  all  meaning.  They  are  called  A'kol,  A'pap,  A'pukl,  Ma'-am,  and 
Va'-af. 

The  first  three  are  known  as  the  Vulture  or  Bed  People,  the  last  two  as  the 
Coyote  or  White  People.  However,  they  are  spoken  of  as  the  Suwuki  O'himal 
and  Sto'am  O'himal,  or  Red  Ants  and  White  Ants.Q32  in  the  Pima  creation  myth 
presented  in  full  in  this  memoir  reference  is  made  to  black  ants,  tcotcik  tatany, 
and  to  the  termite,  hiapitc,  but  no  connection  is  supposed  to  exist  between  them 
and  the  o'himal. 

The  Red  People  are  said  to  have  been  in  possession  of  the  country  when  Elder 
Brother  brought  the  White  People  from  the  nether  world  and  conquered  them 
as  described  on  page  226.  There  were  more  than  two  gentes  of  the  White  People, 
but  Coyote  laughed  too  soon  at  them  and  the  earth  closed  before  the  others  got 
through.  The  author  suspects  that  this  division  signifies  that  the  tribe  was 
formed  by  the  junction  of  two  peoples,  the  only  trace  of  the  original  groups  -being 
the  names  and  the  maintenance  of  the  laws  of  vengeance. 

Mr.  Curtis  says  of  the  Pima : 

The  Pima  have  five  tribal  divisions,  known  as  wii'  male  CM,  which  may  be 
designated  phratries,  as  they  are  aggregations  of  gentes  with  totemic  names. 
Children  belong  to  the  father,  whom  they  call  by  the  phratral  name.  The  five 
totemic  names,  all  synonymous  with  the  word  ' '  father ' '  and  bearing  obscure 
meanings,  are  Apap,  Apk,  Mam,  Vah,  and  Okali.  Apap  and  Apk  are  associated 
with  the  coyote,  and  Mam  and  Vah  with  the  buzzard.  The  people  of  the  first 
four  are  numerous,  but  of  the  6kali  only  a  few  representatives  survive.  This 
division,  according  to  the  genesis  myth,  was  broken  in  its  inception,  only  a  few 
succeeding  in  reaching  the  upper  world.  Marriage  within  a  phratry  seems  never 
to  have  been  prohibited;  marriage  was  without  ceremony,  and  was  often  soon 
followed  by  separation. 

Of  the  Papago  he  says: 

There  are  five  gentile  groups,  though  it  can  hardly  be  said  that  any  strict 
gentile  organization  now  exists.  Children  belong  to  the  father's  group.  The 
creation  myth  tells  how,  when  Chii  wvitu  ma'ke's  destroying  horde  marched  up 
into  this  world  from  the  east,  the  first  to  come  were  those  who  were  to  call  their 
fathers  Apap;  then  came  those  whose  fathers  were  to  be  Apk,  Mam,  Vaf  and 
A'kuli  respectively.  These  names  were  no  doubt  totemic  in  their  origin,  but 
only  the  first  and  third  can  be  identified.  Apap  is  associated  with  the  coyote, 
Mam  with  the  buzzard.  There  is  no  general  word  for  father;  to  each  individual 
"father"  is  simply  the  name  of  his  gens,  if  such  groups  may  be  so  called.  A 
member  of  the  Apk  gens,  for  instance,  calls  his  father  mp'  aplei,  of  the  Mam 
gens,  nyum'am,  nyu  meaning  "my."  Collectively  the  members  of  the  gentes  are 
called  Apapakam,  Apkikam,  Mamakam,  Vafakam,  and  A'kuli  kam. 

Of  so  little  importance  are  the  gentes  that  marriage  within  them  is  not  pro- 
hibited, or  even  regarded  as  unusual. 

Mr.  Curtis'  list  of  five  Pima  clans  agrees  with  Mr.  Russell's.  It 
is  clear  from  both  accounts  that  there  is  a  perhaps  loose  grouping  of 
the  clans  in  two  opposed  moieties.     Mr.  Russell  identifies  one  moiety 


32  "  a  The  same  divisions  exist  among  the  Papagos,  and  Jose'  Lewis,  who  in- 
terpreted for  Professor  McGee,  submitted  specimens  of  the  ant  as  examples  of  the 
insects  referred  to  as  '  o'himal. '  ' ' 


176  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

with  coyote,  white  ant,  and  white;  the  other  with  vulture  (=  buz- 
zard), red  ant,  and  red.  For  the  vulture  moiety  Mr.  Russell  lists 
the  A'kol,  A'pap,  and  A'puki  groups,  for  the  coyote  moiety  the 
Ma'-am  and  Va'-af  groups.  Mr.  Curtis  on  the  other  hand  reverses 
this  arrangement,  placing  Ma'-am  (Mam)  and  Va'-af  (Vah)  in  the 
vulture  moiety,  and  Apap  and  Apk  in  the  coyote  moiety.  "With 
regard  to  the  Papago,  Mr.  Curtis  also  states  that  "Apap  is  associated 
with  the  coyote,  Mam  with  the  buzzard,"  as  in  Pima  society.  The 
Pima  use  of  three  synonymous  terms  for  each  moiety  is  reminiscent 
of  similar  nomenclature  of  the  Miwok  moieties.33 

A  feature  of  the  Piman  clans  comparable  with  the  Yuman  clan 
names  for  women  is  the  special  and  distinctive  term  for  "father"  in 
each  clan. 

The  Papago  information  secured  by  Dr.  Kroeber  from  Mr.  Juan 
Dolores,  a  member  of  that  tribe  and  author  of  a  paper  on  "Papago 
Verb  Stems,"34  agrees  in  part  with  that  submitted  by  Mr.  Curtis  and 
also  adds  some  new  facts.  Mr.  Dolores  remembered  only  four  clans. 
He  disagreed  with  Mr.  Curtis  by  assigning  okoIi  (Axkuli)  instead  of 
Mam  to  the  buzzard.  The  following  paragraphs  present  the  data 
secured  by  Dr.  Kroeber  from  Mr.  Dolores : 

The  ordinary  Papago  term  for  father  is  ok,  my  father  nyoK.  In 
using  this  general,  or  non-clan,  term  for  father,  ' '  it  would  not  be  clear 
where  people  belong,"  Mr.  Dolores  said.  He  is  of  the  (red)  uhhimaii 
clan  himself  and  would  normally  call  his  father  by  this  clan's  term 
nyimaM ;  in  rare  cases  he  might  use  the  general  term  nyoK.  The 
Papago  totemic  clans  together  with  the  terms  for  father  may  be  briefly 
listed  as  follows : 

Buzzard  (nyuhwi)  people  call  father  okoIi. 

Coyote  (paN)  people  call  father  ahpap. 

(Red)  uhhimaLi  (an  insect)  people  call  father  maM. 

White  uhhimaLi  (an  insect)35  people  call  father  va'aw. 

A  Papago  myth  referred  to  by  Mr.  Dolores,  relates  how  four 
brothers  "took"  these  four  "names,"  or  "relationships,"  or  "signs." 


33  E.  W.  Gifford,  Miwok  Moieties,  present  series,  xn,  140,  1916;  C.  H.  Mer- 
riam,  Indian  Village  and  Camp  Sites  in  Yosemite  Valley,  Sierra  Club  Bull.,  X, 
203,  1917. 

34  Present  series,  X,  241-263,  1913. 

35  The  uhhimaLi  is  larger  than  ant  or  spider  (Itiuch).  It  lives  singly  in  holes 
in  ground;  has  no  wings;  stings;  has  hair  on  back.  Some  are  reddish,  some 
whitish. 


1918]  Glfford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  177 

The  question,   "What  clan-relationship  do  you  follow?"  would  be 
stated  in  Papago  as  follows : 

cahtyo  'ot  mu  wiio-moKahLi 

What  (interrogative)  with-go 

In  the  case  of  Mr.  Dolores  the  answer  would  be  "uhhimaLi"  and 
not  maM;  in  other  words  the  name  of  the  group  or  totem  and  not 
the  special  word  for  father. 

Descent  in  these  groups '  is  entirely  paternal.  One  can  marry 
within  his  clan  group  but  not  within  his  family  or  village.  All  in  a 
village  are  considered  related.  The  clan  groups  are  not  locally  lim- 
ited. All  occur  in  every  village,  except  the  white  uhhimaLi,  which 
is  now  quite  rare. 

Without  further  data  it  is  impossible  to  say  whether  or  not  village 
exogamy  is  a  recent  innovation  which  has  taken  the  place  of  clan 
exogamy.  The  absence  of  clan  exogamy  would  seem  to  indicate  that 
the  clans  as  such  have  disintegrated. 


SHOSHONEAN  CLANS  AND  MOIETIES 

The  Serrano,  the  Cahuilla,  the  Cupefio,  and  the  Luisefio  of  south- 
ern California  are  organized  on  the  basis  of  exogamous,  patrilinear, 
and  apparently  localized,  clans.  The  clans  of  the  Serrano,  Cahuilla, 
and  Cupefio  are  grouped  in  two  exogamous  moieties,  which  are 
totemic,  being  identified  with  the  wild  cat  (tukut)  and  the  coyote 
(isil  in  Cahuilla  and  Cupefio;  wahil  in  Serrano).  The  Luisefio 
clans  are  not  grouped  in  moieties.  The  Serrano,  Cahuilla,  and 
Cupefio  clans  are  exogamous  as  components  of  the  moieties ;  that  is, 
a  member  of  the  wild  cat  moiety  marries  only  a  member  of  a  clan  of 
the  coyote  moiety.  The  clans  of  the  Luisefio  are  exogamous  and  non- 
totemic,  though  at  present  quite  thoroughly  disintegrated.  On  the 
one  hand  they  appear  to  have  disintegrated  into  families  as  far  as 
reckoning  descent  is  concerned  and  on  the  other  hand  to  have  become 
amalgamated  into  ' '  parties ' '  or  religious  societies  as  far  as  ceremonial 
functions  are  concerned.  Membership  in  the  parties  or  religious 
societies  extends  beyond  the  range  of  even  mythical  kinship  reckoned 
paternally. 

In  considering  the  data  presented  in  the  following  pages,  it  must 
be  remembered  that  the  Luisefio  were  long  in  charge  of  Spanish  Fran- 


178  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Etlin.     [Vol.  14 

ciscan  missionaries,  while  some  of  the  Serrano,  Cahuilla,  and  probably 
the  Cupeiio  were  never  converted  in  the  mission  period  and  others 
were  under  Spanish  control  for  a  shorter  time  than  the  Luiseno. 

SEERAN036 

The  Serrano  are  organized  on  the  basis  of  exogamous  totemic 
moieties.  One  moiety  is  called  wahilyam,  and  has  as  totems  coyote 
(wahil),  the  chief  totem  for  which  the  moiety  is  named,  buzzard 
(widukut),  and  wolf  (wanats).  The  other  moiety  is  called  tukum, 
and  has  as  totems  wild  cat  (tukut),  the  chief  totem  for  which  the 
moiety  is  named,  crow  (gatcawa),  and  mountain  lion  (tukutcu).  The 
names  of  the  first  two  totems  mentioned  for  each  moiety  were  volun- 
teered by  the  informant.  Wolf  and  mountain  lion  were  added  in 
response  to  my  query.  Wolf  is  said  to  be  coyote's  older  brother  and 
mountain  lion  wild  cat's  older  brother.  Vulture  is  considered  a 
relative  of  coyote's,  and  crow  a  relative  of  wild  cat's.  The  totem  is 
called  niikriig  (my  great  grandparent)  or  niiiiakau.  The  use  of 
the  term  for  great  grandparent  for  totem  has  parallels  in  the  other 
southern  California  Shoshonean  tribes,  as  have  the  totems  coyote  and 
wild  cat.  The  creator  Pakrokitat  is  said  to  have  assigned  the  totems. 
People  of  different  moieties,  especially  relatives,  often  jokingly  called 
each  other  coyotes  and  wild  cats.  Coyote  people  are  reputed  swift  in 
their  movements,  wild  cat  people  slow  and  lazy  in  theirs.  People 
are  said  to  have  killed  their  totems.  The  toteiiis  are  believed  to  have 
been  originally  men,  who  later  became  animals,  a  belief  held  with 
regard  to  the  entire  animal  kingdom. 

Serrano  society  is  also  organized  on  the  basis  of  localized  clans, 
or  possibly  local  groups,  in  addition  to  moieties.  These  bear  a  strik- 
ing resemblance  to  the  localized  Cahuilla  groups  (see  p.  186).  Certain 
of  the  names  of  these  supposed  clans  have  previously  been  secured 
by  Dr.  Kroeber  as  place  names,  a  fact  which  makes  it  conceivable  that 
these  Serrano  divisions  are  merely  local  groups.  On  the  other  hand, 
it  seems  to  be  more  in  accord  with  the  facts  to  regard  them  as  localized 
clans.  Eight  of  the  fourteen  groups  listed  below  were  assigned  by 
informants  to  one  or  the  other  of  the  two  moieties.  Each  of  these 
eight  groups  was  exogamous  as  a  member  of  one  of  the  moieties, 
patrilinear  in  descent,  and  possessed  its  hereditary  chief  (kika)  and 


ss  The  data  on  Serrano  social  organization  were  secured  entirely  at  Banning 
from  the  following  informants:  Benjamin  Morongo  (about  80  years  of  age),  Rose 
Morongo,  Elizabeth  Martin,  and  Miguel  Sabatco. 


1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  179 

hereditary  ceremonial  assistant  (paha).  The  following  list  includes 
some  northern  Serrano  groups,  although  it  primarily  consists  of 
southern  Serrano  groups.     It  is  undoubtedly  quite  fragmentary. 

1.  Morongo.  This  clan,  which  is  called  Marongam  by  the  Cahuilla,  is  the  one 
most  numerously  represented  on  the  reservation  at  Banning  to-day.  The  members 
of  it  have  adopted  Morongo  as  their  surname.  This  clan  belongs  to  the  coyote 
moiety.  Bear  Valley  (Hatauva)  was  the  Morongo  home.  They  also  claimed 
Yucaipa,  Akavat  (a  place  back  of  Beaumont,  the  name  of  which  is  said  to  mean 
"ear"),  Mission  Creek  (Yamisevul),  and  Durka  (Big  Morongo),  although  Durka 
was  mentioned  by  one  informant  as  Mohiyanim  territory. 

2.  Mohiyanim.  This  clan  is  represented  to-day  at  Banning.  It  lived  with 
the  Morongo  clan  in  ancient  times  and  seems  to  have  been  the  favored  clan  in 
marriages.  It  belongs  to  the  wild  cat  moiety.  This  name  in  the  form  Mohineyam 
has  been  used  by  Dr.  Kroeber  for  the  northern  Serrano  living  along  the  Mohave 
River  (Shoshonean  Dialects  of  California,  Univ.  Calif.  Publ.  Am.  Arch.  Ethn., 
iv,  139,  1907). 

3.  Mukunpat.  This  clan  is  of  the  wild  cat  moiety  and  lived  with  the  Morongo 
and  Mohiyanim  clans.      It  intermarried  with  the  Morongo  clan. 

4.  Atiaviat.  A  coyote  clan  living  at  Mission  Creek  (Yamisevul).  Atiaviat 
is  said  to  mean  "something  big."  Miguel  Sabatco  belongs  to  the  Atiaviat  clan. 
The  Atiaviat  never  married  the  Morongo,  but  married  Mohiyanim  and  Mukunpat. 
The  Morongo  formerly  visited  Mission  Creek  for  a  certain  kind  of  seed. 

5.  Kaiyuwat.  This  clan  (?)  is  said  to  have  lived  north  of  the  San  Bernardino 
Mountains,  across  from  San  Manuel  Reservation.  It  plays  an  important  role  in 
the  Morongo  clan  legend  to  be  related  later. 

6.  Maviatum.  This  clan(?)  inhabited  Maviat,  the  Mohave  River  region, 
north  of  the  San  Bernardino  Mountains. 

7.  Amakhavit.  A  third  Serrano  clan  (?)  living  north  of  the  San  Bernardino 
Mountains.  From  west  to  east  these  northern  clans  ( ?)  are  Maviatum,  Kaiyuwat, 
and  Amakhavit.  Undoubtedly  these  Amakhavit  are  the  mysterious  Amakhau  or 
Amakhaba  of  whom  Dr.  Kroeber  makes  the  following  statements  (Univ.  Calif. 
Publ.  Am.  Arch.  Ethn.,  iv,  136,  1907):  "The  Mohave  are  still  known  to  the 
Tehachapi-Tulare  tribes  as  people  living  on  a  distant  large  river,  from  whom 
visitors  occasionally  came.  The  Yokuts  informant  from  whom  part  of  the 
Kitanemuk  vocabulary  was  obtained  called  them  Amakhau,  the  Tiibatulabal  in- 
formant Amakhaba;  the  latter  regarded  their  language  as  similar  to  Kitanemuk, 
from  which  of  course  it  is  utterly  distinct.  Of  the  two  Yokuts  informants  at 
Tejon,  who  also  called  them  Amakhaba,  one  characterized  them  as  <muy  bravos'; 
the  other  classed  their  language  as  distinct,  with  some  words  somewhat  resembling 
Kitanemuk.  It  is  curious  that  this  belief  that  there  is  in  the  Tejon  region  a 
tribe  similar  or  linguistically  related  to  the  Mohave,  should  exist  both  among  the 
Mohave  themselves,  the  Yokuts,  and  the  Shoshoneans,  without  the  least  apparent 
basis."  In  the  light  of  the  Serrano  statement  to  the  effect  that  the  Amakhavit 
are  Serrano,  the  statements  of  Dr.  Kroeber 's  Tiibatulabal  and  Yokuts  informants 
with  regard  to  the  Kitanemuk  (Serrano)  affinities  of  the  Amakhaba  language  take 
on  a  new  color. 

8.  Yuhaviat.  Yuhaviat  is  said  to  mean  "pine  men."  This  clan  lives  now 
at  San  Manuel  Reservation  near  Patton,  San  Bernardino  County.  It  is  said  to 
have  lived  originally  in  or  north  of  the  San  Bernardino  Mountains,  and  to  have 
moved  to  San  Manuel  after  white  people  came.  The  original  inhabitants  of  San 
Manuel,  according  to  Benjamin  Morongo,  were  Gabrielino,  who  called  the  place 


180  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

Apwimen.  Another  Gabrielifio  village  was  located  one  and  one-half  miles  south- 
east of  Colton.  Its  inhabitants  were  called  Watcap.  Benjamin  also  mentioned 
the  Kinkiup,  Indians  who  lived  on  an  island  in  the  ocean.  This  is  very  clearly 
Kingki,  listed  by  Dr.  Kroeber  as  "evidently  San  Clemente  Island"  (present 
series,  vni,  38,  1908). 

9.  Pauwiatum.  This  is  a  coyote  clan  living  north  of  the  San  Bernardino 
Mountains.  Some  people  of  this  clan  are  said  to  live  at  San  Manuel  Beservation 
to-day. 

10.  Kupatca.      A  wild  cat  clan  living  in  the  San  Bernardino  Mountains. 

11.  Tamwionots.  This  name  refers  to  the  sun,  and  was  the  name  of  a  wild 
cat  clan  living  at  Mara,  Twenty-nine  Palms. 

12.  Timanamuntcoip.      A  Serrano  clan   ( ?)   living  at  Bedlands. 

13.  Tekelkiktum.  By  Cahuilla  informants  this  was  given  as  the  name  of  a 
Serrano  wild  cat  clan.  The  last  member  of  this  clan  is  said  to  live  at  San  Manuel 
Beservation. 

14.  Agutas.  This  group  is  identified  with  people  of  the  Tehachapi  Mountains 
by  Benjamin  Morongo.  One  of  Dr.  Kroeber 's  informants  applied  a  variant  of 
this  term  (Agutush-yam)  to  the  Kawaiisu  (present  series,  rv,  140,  1907). 

Four  of  the  above  groups  seem  to  have  dwelt  together:  Morongo, 
Atiaviat,  Mohiyanim,  and  Mukunpat,  the  first  two  being  of  the  coyote 
moiety  (wahilyam),  the  second  two  of  the  wild  cat  moiety  (tukum). 

The  following  information  concerns  the  Morongo  and  Mohiyanim 
clans  especially.  The  data  presented  were  obtained  from  Benjamin 
Morongo,  a  member  of  the  Morongo  clan,  whose  wife  was  of  the 
Mukunpat  clan.  Benjamin  has  perhaps  drawn  the  picture  of  his 
own  clan  in  overbright  colors,  although  there  seems  to  be  no  doubt 
but  what  it  was  the  most  numerous  and  most  powerful  of  the  group 
of  clans  in  the  San  Bernardino  Mountains.  Since  the  following 
data  concern  in  large  measure  two  clans  of  opposite  moieties,  it  is 
quite  probable  that  it  in  similar  degree  applies  to  other  clans  of  the 
two  moieties. 

Morongo  informants,  in  addition  to  Benjamin  Morongo,  stated  that 
it  was  traditional  for  Morongo  men  to  marry  Mohiyanim  women,  one 
informant  assigning  the  origin  of  this  custom  to  the  beginning  of 
the  world,  when  it  was  so  ordered  by  the  deity  Pakrokitat.  The  cus- 
tom has  broken  down  under  Caucasian  rule.  Benjamin  Morongo 
stated  that  there  were  clan  names  for  men  and  women,  a  statement 
for  which  I  could  obtain  no  verification  elsewhere.  Benjamin  stated 
that  Morongo  men  were  called  Morongo,  the  women  Malena,  that 
Mohiyanim  men  were  called  Nudi,  women  Yetcaiwa.  Rose  Morongo, 
however,  gave  Malenikik  as  a  synonym  for  Morongo.  She  said  that 
Malenikik  referred  to  a  place  of  residence  of  the  Morongo  clan 
(Malena,  the  place;  kik,  living  there).      If  it  is  true  that  the  men 


19181  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  181 

and  women  of  each  clan  had  special  clan  names,  we  certainly  have 
an  analogy  to  the  Colorado  River  Yuman  custom  by  which  all  of 
the  women  of  a  clan  have  one  name  (see  p.  156).  The  personal  name 
of  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Martin's  mother,  a  Morongo  woman,  was  Helinpa, 
a  name  given  her  by  her  paternal  grandfather  and  having  no  refer- 
ence to  her  clan  or  moiety. 

Each  of  the  clans  in  question  had  its  chief  (kika)  who  inherited 
the  position  from  his  father.  In  rare  cases  when  a  male  heir  was 
lacking  a  woman  succeeded.  Each  clan  also  had  a  ceremonial  assist- 
ant to  the  chief  called  paha,  whose  chief  duties  were  in  connection 
with  ceremonies.  Benjamin's  father's  older  brother  was  a  Morongo 
chief. 

Pakrokitat  made  the  Morongo  the  ' '  governors  of  the  world. ' '  At 
the  same  time  that  the  Morongo  were  created,  the  Mohiyanim  seem 
to  have  been  brought  into  existence  also.  The  Morongo  address  each 
other  as  brothers  and  sisters,  using,  as  well  as  the  ordinary  terms, 
the  term  hamut,  which  is  always  applied  to  one  of  the  opposite  sex 
(see  p.  183  for  mythological  application  of  this  term).  The  terms  for 
older  or  younger  siblings  are  used  where  there  is  disparity  in  age. 
The  Mohiyanim  have  the  same  usage.  The  informant  said  that  he 
would  call  any  Mohiyanim  woman  aunt,  cousin,  or  sister.  The 
Cahuilla  address  the  Morongo  as  older  brothers,  according  to  the 
informant. 

The  reciprocal  functions  of  the  two  clans  seem  to  have  been 
unequally  divided.  The  Mohiyanim  appear  to  have  had  more  than 
their  share  of  ceremonial  duties.  At  a  ceremony  the  Mohiyanim 
cooked  for  and  served  the  Morongo.  They  brought  "everything,  like 
Santa  Claus. "  These  functions,  according  to  the  informant,  were 
not  reciprocated  by  the  Morongo.  On  the  other  hand  the  Mohiyanim 
never  took  the  initiative  in  making  a  ceremony ;  the  Morongo  through 
their  chief  did  that.  It  was  the  business  of  the  Mohiyanim  to  con- 
struct the  "tule  ceremonial  house"  and  to  act  as  messengers  in  con- 
nection with  a  ceremony. 

In  the  beginning  Pakrokitat  made  the  tule  house  for  the  first 
ceremony.  Each  mortal  chief  since  his  time  has  had  one.  At  death 
the  body  was  taken  to  this  house  in  which  it  was  bewailed  for  one 
night.  On  the  following  day  it  was  burned.  In  this  connection 
the  relations  of  the  two  clans,  and  incidentally  the  moieties,  seem  to 
have  been  truly  reciprocal,  the  Morongo  tending  to  the  Mohiyanim 
dead  and  vice  versa. 


182  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

It  was  a  function  of  the  Mohiyanim  paha  to  name  the  children  of 
both  clans,  naming  them  usually  after  relatives  long  deceased.  As 
no  personal  names  were  obtained,  it  is  impossible  to  tell  whether  or 
not  each  clan  had  its  special  set  of  names.  According  to  the  informant 
all  of  the  above  ceremonial  functions  were  ordained  in  the  beginning 
by  Pakrokitat,  while  the  people  were  still  in  the  far  northern  country 
of  their  origin.  At  that  time  it  was  ordered  that  the  two  clans  should 
intermarry.  The  two  clans  hunted  together.  Coyote  is  older  than 
any  other  animal,  for  he  is  the  Morongo  totem  and  they  were  first 
created. 

The  paha  or  religious  chief  had  charge  of  all  ceremonial  parapher- 
nalia. It  was  his  business  to  notify  people  of  the  fiestas.  He  talked 
to  the  guests  at  a  fiesta,  and  attended  to  all  commissary  arrangements. 
One  Mohiyanim  paha,  named  Melantin  Santiago,  is  left.  The  cere- 
monial singer  (tcaka)  was  of  the  Morongo  clan  and  inherited  his 
position  from  the  father  or  father's  brother.  He  sang  the  myths 
of  the  creation  and  of  the  origin  and  wanderings  of  the  Morongo. 
The  present  tcaka  is  Thomas  Morongo,  Benjamin's  nephew. 

When  a  man  saw  a  girl  he  desired  in  marriage,  he  spoke  to  his 
mother.  She  took  up  the  matter  with  the  chief  (kika)  of  the  man's 
clan.  If  the  chief  favored  the  match,  either  he  or  the  man's  mother 
visited  the  girl's  mother.  Upon  marriage  the  chief  lectured  the 
bridegroom,  telling  him  to  hunt,  secure  food,  and  care  for  the  girl 
and  her  parents.  A  man  gave  half  of  the  results  of  the  chase  to  his 
wife 's  parents. 

Benjamin  Morongo  stated  that  the  two  clans,  Morongo  and  Mohi- 
yanim, elected  a  joint  chief  also  called  kika,  who  was  always  a 
Morongo.      This  is  quite  possibly  a  modern  innovation. 

The  following  myths  were  recounted  by  Benjamin  Morongo.  The 
first  deals  with  the  creation  and  the  origin  and  wanderings  of  the 
Morongo.  The  second  relates  to  the  electric  fire  ball  called  Takwitc, 
and  the  third  to  the  destruction  of  the  village  of  Wini  by  a  hostile 
spirit,  together  with  its  subsequent  rehabilitation. 

Origin  Myth. — First  came  into  existence  Pakrokitat,  our  father.  From  the 
left  shoulder  of  Pakrokitat  was  born  Kukitat,  Pakrokitat 's  younger  brother.37 
Pakrokitat  made  first  a  Morongo  man.  Pakrokitat  told  him,  "You  will  have 
company  soon."      From  the  right  side  of  the  man  above  the  thigh   Pakrokitat 


37  One  informant  mentioned  another  Serrano  deity,  the  goddess  Namuyat. 
Nothing  was  learned  of  her  attributes.  She  is  undoubtedly  to  be  identified  with 
' '  Nanamiivyat,  six  large  stones,  '  goddesses, '  in  or  near  Little  Bear  valley ' ' 
(A.  L.  Kroeber,  Ethnographv  of  the  Cahuilla  Indians,  present  series,  vnr,  34, 
1908). 


1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  183 

made  the  first  Morongo  woman.38  He  made  woman  from  a  piece  of  the  man's 
flesh  called  atcik.  The  two  were  brother  and  sister.  Numerous  Morongos  were 
made   (born?). 

Kukitat  hindered  the  creative  work  of  Pakrokitat.  The  two  argued  and 
quarreled  continually.  Kukitat  wanted  people  to  have  hands  like  ducks'  feet, 
but  Pakrokitat  objected.  Kukitat  wanted  eyes  and  bellies  in  both  front  and 
back  of  people,  but  Pakrokitat  would  not  allow  such  an  arrangement.  Pakrokitat 
said  that  people  should  never  sicken,  should  never  die.  Kukitat  asked,  "What 
will  people  eat  if  none  dies?"  Pakrokitat  replied,  "We  will  grow  something 
to  eat."  Pakrokitat  wished  people  to  live  forever  or  to  return  to  life  three 
days  after  death,  but  Kukitat  objected,  saying,  "No,  we  will  burn  them  when 
they  die."     Kukitat  is  the  origin  of  all  evil,  past  and  present. 

At  last  Pakrokitat  became  disgusted  with  his  younger  brother  Kukitat 's 
machinations  and  objections  to  all  that  he  planned,  and  he  said  to  him,  "I  am 
going  to  leave  this  world  to  you.  I  am  going  to  make  another  world.  Perhaps 
you  can  do  better  here  than  I.  You  stay  here."  In  the  new  world  which 
Pakrokitat  made,  people  do  not  die. 

Pakrokitat,  when  ready  to  leave,  sang,  saying  that  he  was  going  to  another 
world  and  that  he  was  leaving  this  world  forever.  This  world  he  said  would  be 
a  ' '  hell, ' '  while  his  world  would  be  a  blessed  place.  ' '  When  a  person  dies, ' '  he 
said,  "his  'heart'  (ahun)  will  go  to  the  other  world,  while  his  body  remains 
behind  to  rot." 

Upon  leaving  his  brother  Pakrokitat  went  first  into  the  ocean,  where  he  created 
the  island  of  Paiyait. so  Pakrokitat  then  made  from  a  piece  of  flesh  above  his 
left  thigh  bone  the  three  Pananam,  beautiful  goddesses,  who  reside  in  Paiyait. 
After  visiting  Paiyait,  Pakrokitat  passed  with  his  eagle  southeast  along  the  San ' 
Gorgonio  River  searching  for  his  new  world.  After  reaching  his  new  world,  he 
never  returned. 

The  three  Pananam  (=  "water  women")  are  called  "hamova. "40  The 
soul  of  the  deceased  goes  first  to  Paiyait,  the  home  of  the  three  goddesses,  be- 
cause that  is  where  Pakrokitat  went  first  when  seeking  another  world.  The  souls 
of  wicked  people  are  often  unable  to  find  the  road  to  Paiyait,  and  are  forced  to 
remain  upon  earth.  The  three  goddesses  instruct  the  soul  of  the  deceased  as 
to  the  road  to  Pakrokitat 's  world.  From  Paiyait  two  trails  lead,  one  to  Pakro- 
kitat's  land,  the  other  to  the  world  of  darkness  where  the  souls  of  the  wicked 
dwell.  The  three  goddesses  read  the  soul  of  the  deceased  and  know  whether 
its  acts  upon  earth  have  been  good  or  evil.  They  send  it  along  either  trail  accord- 
ingly. The  place  of  darkness  is  called  Tripyat"  and  a  portion  of  it,  where  the 
wicked  are  boiled,  is  called  Patmonat  (="hot  water"). 42 

The  Morongo  came  from  the  far  north.  As  they  moved  southward  they 
followed  a  pure  white  eagle,  which  was  the  bird  of  Kukitat.  This  bird  had 
thirteen  tail  feathers,  while  other  eagles  have  but  twelve.      Kwiriakaitc   (Mount 


38  Probably  Biblical. 

as  The  informant  said  this  name  meant  "heart  alive;  "  heart,  however,  is  given 
as  -hun  in  the  paragraph  above. 

40  Said  to  mean  "our  sisters  [who  live  in  the  ocean],"  although  the  actual 
meaning  of  "hamova"  is  probably  simply  "sisters."  The  term  hamut  is  used 
when  speaking  of  one.  Hamut  is  also  the  term  which  may  be  used  by  a  man 
to  his  sister  or  a  woman  to  her  brother. 

4i  Cf.  Yokuts  Tripniu  (at  the  above,  or  at  the  supernatural),  the  name  of  a 
place  in  Kitanemuk  Serrano  territory  (A.  L.  Kroeber,  present  series,  iv,  139, 
1907). 

42  Aboriginal  ? 


184  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

San  Gorgonio)  became  the  home  of  this  wonderful  eagle.  It  was  also  inhabited 
by  several  white  bears  which  normally  dwell  in  a  small  lake  on  the  mountain.  A 
seven-headed  snake  likewise  lives  upon  it.  Kwiriakaite  is  the  property  of  the 
Morongo. 

Both  Pakrokitat  and  Kukitat  came  with  the  Morongo  to  their  present  home. 
Then  ensued  the  separation  of  the  brothers,  and  later  the  death  of  Kukitat 
together  with  the  disappearance  of  the  white  eagle.  After  the  departure  of 
Pakrokitat,  Kukitat  dwelt  with  mankind  for  thirty  years.  It  was  after  Pakro- 
kitat departed  that  men  were  divided  into  tribes  and  began  to  speak  different 
languages.  They  tried  to  shoot  each  other  with  arrows,  but  could  not  hit  one 
another.      This  was  all  due  to  Kukitat 's  evil  schemes. 

When  the  people  became  tired  of  Kukitat  because  of  the  wars  he  instigated, 
they  decided  to  kill  him  by  witchcraft.  They  employed  the  frog  (wakat)  to 
kill  him.  Kukitat  was  in  the  habit  of  defecating  in  the  ocean.  The  frog 
waited  in  the  waters  below  and  swallowed  his  excrement.  Kukitat  realized  that 
the  frog  was  below  him,  but  could  not  see  it.  He  knew  that  something  was 
wrong,  because  usually  when  the  excrement  sank  in  the  ocean  there  were  three 
rumbles.  On  this  occasion  there  was  no  noise.  Kukitat  poked  downward  with 
his  javelin  (?),  the  blade  of  which  ran  down  the  frog's  back,  making  the  marks 
which  are  now  there.  The  frog  had  poison  in  its  mouth.  Contact  of  this  poison 
with  the  excrement  caused  Kukitat  to  become  ill. 

Kukitat  sent  crow  to  fetch  a  doctor  when  he  fell  sick.  Crow  ate  the  eyes 
of  dead  people  and  became  black  from  staying  in  mud. 

When  Kukitat  lay  dying  in  the  early  morning  he  told  the  people  to  burn  his 
body,  but  not  to  bury  it,  for  he  feared  that  coyote  would  eat  it.  He  sent  coyote 
far  north  to  obtain  wood  for  the  funeral  pyre.  Before  coyote's  return  the  body 
was  placed  upon  the  pyre  and  almost  entirely  consumed.  Coyote  returned  and 
saw  the  people  assembled  about  the  funeral  pyre  of  Kukitat.  Coyote  said,  ' '  What 
are  you  burning?  I  want  to  see  my  father."  The  people  were  standing  close 
together  and  he  could  not  squeeze  through  the  line.  Badger,  however,  was  bow- 
legged  and  coyote  squeezed  through  between  his  legs  and  stole  Kukitat 's  heart. 
Animals  were  still  people  at  that  time. 

The  body  of  Kukitat  was  burned  at  Hatauva*3  (Bear  Valley),  a  well-watered 
region  in  the  San  Bernardino  Mountains.  On  the  spot  where  it  was  burned  came 
a  spring,  which  is  now  hidden  beneath  a  reservoir.  In  his  youth  the  informant 
saw  the  spring  and  saw  the  marks  on  the  ground  where  the  people  had  danced 
around  the  pyre. 

After  Kukitat 's  death  people  fought  as  before  his  death.  They  fought  over 
food.  The  Morongo  were  annihilated  in  the  fighting,  but  one  man  escaping.  This 
man  married  a  Kaiyuwat  woman.  The  man  died,  but  the  woman  gave  birth  to 
a  boy  baby.  When  the  boy  grew  up  he  thought  and  dreamed  for  three  nights 
about  himself.  He  asked  his  mother  about  the  land  of  his  father's  people.  She 
told  him  that  the  land  of  the  Morongo  was  his.  The  woman's  father,  seeing  him 
in  such  a  pensive  mood,  thought  that  his  grandson  was  ill.  The  boy  told  his 
grandfather  that  he  was  going  to  his  own  country,  which  made  the  old  man  very 
sad.  The  woman  took  her  son  toward  Morongo  land.  They  arrived  at  a  Mohi- 
yanim  village  and  remained  there  for  a  while.  The  chief  (kika)  of  the  village 
came  home  from  a  hunt.      His  wife  told  him  that  strangers  were  stopping  with 


43  Perhaps  Hatauva  is  the  place  called  Tova  in  Luiseno.  Dr.  Kroeber  writes : 
' '  Wiyot  died  at  Tova  near  Maronge,  north  of  the  San  Jacinto  Mountains  where 
the  Serrano  (Maringayam)  live."  (Two  Myths  of  the  Mission  Indians  of  Cali- 
fornia, Jour.  Am.  Folk-Lore,  xix,  313,  1906.) 


1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  183 

them.  The  chief  asked  who  the  boy's  father  was  and  the  boy's  mother  told 
him.  They  went  to  the  "big  house"  and  sang  all  night.  In  the  morning  the 
boy  married  the  two  daughters  of  the  chief.  The  boy  became  the  progenitor  of 
the  modern  Morongo. 

Takwitc. — Takwitc,  an  evil  person,  had  been  annoying  a  woman.  Coyote 
had  one  arrow  and  attempted  to  kill  Takwitc,  whose  body  was  a  golden  walking 
stick.  Coyote's  arrow  broke  the  gold  stick  which  formed  Takwitc 's  body. 
Takwitc  flew  away  to  Mount  San  Jacinto  and  became  the  electric  fire  ball.  He 
attacks  people  at  times  and  throws  them  into  a  fire  which  he  kindles.  Takwitc 
has  a  house  on  Mount  San  Jacinto  in  which  there  is  reputed  to  be  much  gold. 

A  Cahuilla  boy  living  in  Cahuilla  Valley  was  once  taken  by  Takwitc  to  his 
home  on  the  mountain.  The  people  of  the  boy's  village  had  gone  out  to  gather 
acorns,  which  the  region  furnishes  in  abundance.  The  boy  and  his  baby  sister 
were  left  alone  at  home.  Takwitc  came  and  took  the  boy  away.  In  Takwitc 's 
house,  the  boy  saw  many  captives  of  various  tribes.  Each  night  Takwitc  brought 
home  more  captives,  often  removing  their  eyes.  There  were  many  bones  in 
Takwitc 's  house.  He  kept  the  boy  for  three  days  and  then  released  him.  He 
made  the  boy  promise  to  tell  no  one  of  what  he  had  seen  for  three  days.  The 
three  days,  however,  were  really  to  be  three  years.  The  boy's  mother  questioned 
him  as  to  where  he  had  been,  but  to  no  avail.  When  the  three  years  had  expired 
the  boy  told  his  mother  and  prepared  to  make  a  ceremony.  He  had  secured  super- 
natural power  from  Takwitc.  He  could  remove  his  head  and  arms  and  replace 
them,  making  himself  whole  again.  This  he  did  in  the  ceremony  in  the  middle 
of  the  night.      After  his  dance  he  retired.      He  was  dead  in  the  morning. 

Destruction  of  Wini. — Near  the  village  of  Wiiii  (near  Corona,  Kiverside 
County)  was  a  rock  on  a  hill.  In  this  rock  lived  a  spirit  named  Tuit.  A  little 
girl  in  the  village,  two  or  three  years  old,  cried  incessantly  until  her  mother  in 
anger  threw  her  out  of  the  house.  The  spirit  Tuit  took  the  child  to  his  house 
that  night.      Tuit  raised  the  child,  whose  name  was  Pahalali. 

Gopher  (minat)  lived  with  the  spirit.  When  five  or  six  years  old  the  girl 
asked  gopher  what  the  fire  and  smoke  was  which  she  saw  so  frequently.  It  was 
really  the  spirit.  Gopher  told  the  girl  that  the  smoke  arose  from  where  the 
spirit  cooked.  The  water  which  the  spirit  gave  the  girl  was  urine,  the  salt  was 
mucus.  ' '  The  spirit  is  not  your  mother, ' '  gopher  said.  The  girl  asked  about 
her  mother  three  times  and  gopher  answered  thrice. 

The  girl  said  one  day,  "I  should  like  to  go  to  my  mother."  Gopher  replied, 
' '  You  can  go,  but  the  spirit  may  kill  jou.  I  will  make  two  holes  for  you.  You 
go  under  the  water  toward  Temescal."  The  girl  went  as  directed  and  arrived 
at  Wihi.  People  asked  her  whence  she  had  come.  She  replied,  ' '  My  mother  told 
me  when  I  was  small  that  a  spirit  would  get  me.      He  did  get  me  and  raised  me. ' ' 

Gopher  said,  "Tell  your  mother  to  put  you  in  a  bundle  and  place  you  in  the 
'big  house.'  Have  all  the  people  watch  you.  The  spirit  will  look  for  you  and 
try  to  kill  you."  The  girl  repeated  to  her  mother  that  which  the  gopher  had 
said.  The  woman  then  put  her  daughter  in  a  bundle  and  placed  her  in  the  "big 
house."  The  chief  prepared  for  a  fiesta.  Gopher  again  instructed,  saying, 
"Tell  your  mother  to  heat  a  rock  very  hot.  When  the  spirit  asks  for  you,  tell 
him  to  open  his  mouth  to  receive  you.      Then  shove  the  hot  rock  into  his  mouth. ' ' 

After  dark  the  spirit  came  home  and  asked  for  Pahalali.  He  asked  Gopher 
about  Pahalali.  Gopher  said,  "I  saw  her  playing  here  but  a  short  while  ago." 
The  spirit  then  threw  into  the  air  a  magic  basket  to  determine  in  which  direction 
Pahalali  had  gone.  The  spirit  followed  the  basket  toward  the  "big  house" 
in  which  Pahalali  Avas  concealed.      The  spirit  arrived  at  the  door  and  asked  for 


186  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

Pahalali.  The  girl 's  mother  said,  ' '  Open  your  mouth  for  your  Pahalali. ' '  She 
threw  the  hot  rock  into  his  mouth.  The  spirit  shouted  "Haa!"  in  pain,  kicked 
in  the  house,  and  ate  all  of  the  people  except  one  old  woman  and  a  dog,  who  were 
covered  with  a  basket. 

The  surviving  old  woman  cried  as  she  searched  for  her  people,  but  she  could 
do  nothing.  She  wandered  here  and  there.  While  the  old  woman  was  away,  the 
dog  became  a  boy  and  killed  rabbits.  The  woman  returned  and  asked  the  dog, 
"Who  killed  the  rabbits?"  The  dog  only  wagged  his  tail  in  response.  After 
two  months,  the  old  woman,  who  had  become  quite  strong,  went  a  long  way.  Upon 
her  return  she  saw  a  young  man  at  her  dwelling.  This  young  man  was  really 
her  dog.  As  she  approached  him  she  became  a  young  girl.  She  walked  up  to 
him.  They  married  and  the  village  of  Wifii  was  repopulated.  The  spirit  Tuit 
was  killed  by  the  hot  stone  at  the  same  time  that  he  destroyed  the  village  and 
the  people. 

The  informant  saw  the  ruins  of  Wifii  and  asked  his  mother-in-law  about  them. 
She  told  him  the  above  story. 


CAHUILLA 

The  Cahuilla  were  visited  in  two  localities,  at  Banning  in  San 
Gorgonio  Pass  at  an  elevation  of  twenty-three  hundred  feet  and  at 
Coach ella  in  the  Colorado  Desert,  seventy-six  feet  below  sea  level. 
The  Cahuilla  in  both  localities  are  organized  in  exogamous  moieties 
identified  with  the  coyote  (isil)  and  the  wild  cat  (tukut).  The  coyote 
moiety  is  called  istam,  the  wild  cat  moiety  tuktum.  Descent  is 
paternal.  There  is  no  belief  in  descent  from  the  totem,  but  the  totems 
are  said  to  have  been  men  once.  This  is  clearly  only  an  individual 
application  of  the  general  Californian  belief  that  the  present  animals 
were  once  men.  Such  also  is  their  treatment  in  Cahuilla  mythology. 
No  other  animals  seem  to  be  associated  with  coyote  and  wild  cat  as 
totems.  Public  sentiment  as  to  exogamy  is  not  very  strong.  Two  of 
the  Coachella  informants,  Captain  Jim  and  his  son,  married  women 
of  their  moiety,  which  is  the  wild  cat. 

The  Cahuilla  moieties  are  divided  into  numerous  localized,  non- 
totemic  clans  with  paternal  descent.  The  clan  name  frequently  is 
to  be  translated  as  "living  at  'such  a  place',''  indicating  clearly  that 
at  least  the  natives  regard  the  clans  as  localized.  A  clan  of  the 
coyote  moiety  is  supposed  to  seek  its  mates  only  in  clans  of  the  wild 
cat  moiety,  and  vice  versa.  Upon  marriage  a  woman  goes  to  live  with 
her  husband.  She  does  not  become  a  member  of  his  clan  and  moiety, 
but  remains  a  member  of  that  into  which  she  was  born.  At  the 
present  time  the  members  of  certain  clans  are  rather  scattered,  per- 
haps due  to  modern  influences.  Informants  stated,  however,  that 
in  ancient  times  there  was  more  dr  less  shifting  of  clan  members  from 


1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  187 

place  to  place,  due  chiefly  to  deaths,  which  were  followed  by  the 
destruction  of  the  dwelling  and  removal  of  the  family. 

Clans  are  called  "tribes"  by  the  present-day  Cahuilla,  the  native 
term  being  taxelo.  Each  clan  had  an  hereditary  chief  called  net, 
who  was  of  course  a  member  of  the  clan.  He  was  actually  the  "head 
of  the  family"  in  a  patriarchal  sense,  for  all  members  of  a  clan  claim 
to  trace  their  descent  through  males  from  a  common  male  ancestor. 
The  principal  duties  of  a  clan  chief  were  in  connection  with  cere- 
monies. An  informant  spoke  of  the  clan  chief  as  "  (el  jefe)  potencio" 
and  "chief  of  the  fiesta."  There  are  no  moiety  chiefs  and  no 
chieftainesses.  A  chief,  appointed  by  the  whites,  apparently  as  a 
go-between,  and  exercising  power  over  a  number  of  clans,  was  said 
to  have  been  called  tcimuluka.  Each  chief  had  an  hereditary  paha, 
or  ceremonial  assistant.  Clans  of  both  moieties  are  said  to  have 
lived  in  one  village,  which  would  seem  to  indicate  that  there  were 
several  clan  chiefs  and  ceremonial  assistants  in  each  village,  a  condi- 
tion paralleled  in  the  present-day  Luiseno  villages,  in  each  of  which 
there  are  usually  two  or  more  party  chiefs  (see  p.  207).  Maria  Augus- 
tine, my  informant  at  Augustine  Reservation  near  Coachella  and  a 
member  of  the  Sewakil  clan,  stated  that  at  Toro  there  are  two  chiefs, 
Francisco  Torres  of  the  wild  cat  moiety,  and  Chapo  Levi  of  the 
coyote  moiety,  both  of  whom  inherited  their  positions.  At  first  hand 
it  seemed  as  though  Maria  was  speaking  of  true  moiety  chiefs  as 
among  the  Yokuts.44  A  bit  of  questioning  revealed  the  fact  that  the 
chieftains  in  question  are  actually  the  heads  of  two  of  the  most 
numerous  clans  of  to-day.  Torres  is  chief  of  the  Wakwaikiktum 
clan,  Levi  of  the  Sewakil  clan.  The  decimation  of  other  clans  and 
the  breaking  down  of  exogamy,  the  informant  said,  had  given  each  of 
these  chieftains  a  wider  range  of  authority  than  either  would  have 
possessed  in  ancient  times.  This  case  among  the  Cahuilla  is  of  sig- 
nificance in  interpreting  the  so-called  "parties"  among  the  Cupeno 
and  Luiseno. 

When  a  clan  loses  one  of  its  members,  people  of  various  clans  and 
of  both  moieties  attend  the  funeral  (pemtcutuwet).  A  destruction 
of  property  takes  place  two  or  three  days  after  the  funeral.  Both 
moieties  participate.  The  image  ceremony  (nukil)  which  takes  place 
six  or  seven  months  after  a  death,  and  may  be  held  for  one  person, 
is  likewise  participated  in  by  both  moieties.      In  the  making  of  the 


44  E.  W.  Gifford,  Diehotomous  Social  Organization  in   South  Central  Califor- 
nia, present  series,  xi,  294,  1916. 


188  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  EtJin.     [Vol.  14 

images  reciprocity  appears,  the  opposite  moiety  always  performing 
this  function  for  the  bereaved  moiety.  A  mourning  ceremony  of  any 
sort  is  always  in  charge  of  a  clan  chief.  The  people  who  belong  to 
the  moiety  of  the  deceased,  both  of  his  clan  and  of  other  clans  of  his 
moiety,  gather  money  and  property,  which  they  turn  over  to  the  chief 
in  charge  when  they  prepare  for  the  fiesta. 

The  following  negative  data,  although  of  doubtful  value,  seem 
worth  recording.  Coachella  informants  in  answer  to  queries  stated 
that  the  Cahuilla  lacked  the  toloache  ceremony,  the  eagle  ceremony, 
the  sand  painting,  and  Chungichnish  beliefs  of  the  Luiseno  and 
Diegueno.  It  was  also  stated  that  in  ancient  times  there  were  no 
ceremonies  other  than  funerary  and  memorial  ceremonies  and  a  girl's 
ceremony  called  aulolil  in  which  girls  of  both  moieties  were  initiated. 
There  was  no  special  individual  whose  duty  it  was  to  light  the  funeral 
fire.     No  moiety  paints  were  used. 

Each  clan  possessed  special  songs  about  its  enemies.  Maria 
Augustine  of  the  Sewakil  clan,  used  to  sing  against  Captain  Jim  of 
the  Kauwisikiktum  clan.  In  such  singing  ceremonies  members  of 
other  clans  of  the  same  moiety  are  said  to  have  helped  in  the  singing 
against  people  of  the  opposite  moiety. 

The  Cahuilla  are  said  to  have  a  long  migration  legend,  which 
consumes  two  or  three  nights  in  the  telling.  The  following  fragments 
of  myths  and  beliefs  have  some  bearing  upon  Cahuilla  totemism  and 
seem  worth  presenting.  Two  gods,  akin  in  attributes  to  the  Serrano 
Pakrokitat  and  Kukitat  and  to  the  Cupeiio  Tumaiyowit  and  Mukat,45 
are  recognized  by  the  Cahuilla.  These  are  Temaiyowit,  who  is  said  to 
be  the  partner  of,  or  is  identified  with,  coyote,  and  Mukat,  the  partner 
of  wild  cat.  The  Milky  Way  is  said  to  be  the  birthplace  of  these 
gods.  These  deities  quarreled  and  Temaiyowit  went  into  the  earth. 
At  the  time  he  did  so  the  earth  was  flat.  It  nearly  capsized  when  he 
entered  it.  An  eclipse  of  the  moon  which  occurred  during  my  visit 
was  regarded  as  the  result  of  the  spirits  of  the  dead  trying  to  eat  it. 

All  of  the  clans  are  said  to  have  come  from  elsewhere  in  the  time 
of  the  god  Mukat.  This  agrees  with  the  Morongo  legend  (see  p.  182) 
of  the  movements  of  Serrano  elans  in  the  time  of  the  god  Kukitat,  the 
Serrano  counterpart  of  Mukat.  The  Cahuilla  speak  of  Mukat  as 
a  naa,  or  leader,  not  as  a  net,  or  chief. 

The  eagle  Aswetsei  was  the  mythical  leader  of  the  Sewakil  clan 
of  the  coyote  moiety.  In  the  mountains  to  the  west  of  Coachella  is 
a  rock  where  this  deity  rested.      The  marks  in  the  rock  show  the 


1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Soutliem  California  189 

position  of  his  chin,  elbows,  and  feet.  The  marks  of  his  feet  have 
been  damaged  by  white  people.  Aswetsei  "goes  with"  coyote,  and 
may  possibly  be  regarded  as  an  associated  totem.  Clans  of  the  wild 
cat  moiety  are  said  to  have  come  from  the  northwest.  The  coyote 
clans  are  said  to  have  come  from  the  region  of  Riverside  (also  to  the 
northwest),  proceeding  first  to  Sewiat,  a  (mythical?)  locality  in  the 
San  Jacinto  Mountains.  At  Sewiat  there  is  a  cave  with  writing 
(pictographs?),  also  a  "big  rock  house."  This  is  beyond  the  house 
of  the  cannibal  spirit  Takwitc  on  San  Jacinto  Mountain.  The  people 
who  lived  in  ancient  times  have  turned  to  rock  at  Sewiat.  The  gods 
died  there.  When  the  god  Mukat  died,  people  did  not  know  which 
way  to  go.  Mukat  had  appointed  no  chiefs.  Each  clan  took  its 
section  of  land.  Each  was  named  after  its  place  of  residence.  The 
two  gods  originally  named  people  and  assigned  to  each  family  and 
individual  his  moiety. 

Mukat  made  the  sun  (tamyat)  from  his  heart.  The  sun  is  of 
the  wild  cat  (tukut)  moiety.  It  is  a  man  who  went  to  the  sky.  When 
the  sun  was  made,  Mukat  could  not  hold  it,  for  it  was  too  bright.  It 
slipped  away  and  went  up  into  the  sky.  The  moon  (menil)  is  of  the 
coyote  moiety.  The  moon  is  a  woman  and  taught  people  a  string 
game  (cat's  cradle?).    Temaiyowit  made  menil,  the  moon. 

Taxotesinigic,  a  wild  cat  man,  had  a  sister.  The  sister  was  not 
yet  ready  to  be  named,  although  the  god  Mukat  gave  the  names  in 
the  beginning.  Taxtemyauwitcem,  a  coyote  man,  lived  at  Sewiat. 
Taxotesinigic  sent  his  sister  to  marry  him. 

The  following  list  of  clans,  living  chiefly  in  the  desert  region 
northwest  of  the  Salton  Sea,  was  obtained  from  three  informants. 
Next  to  nothing  was  obtained  concerning  the  mountain  Cahuilla  and 
those  of  the  San  Gorgon io  Pass.  The  residence  of  each  clan  is  given 
after  its  name.  The  ending  -kiktum  of  many  of  the  clan  names  is 
said  to  mean  "living  there."  It  is  to  be  noted  that  none  of  these 
clan  names  is  to  be  identified  with  the  names  of  the  present-day 
Cahuilla  villages  listed  by  Dr.  D.  P.  Barrows46  as  follows:  Malki, 
Sechi,  Kavinish,  Pal  tewat,  Pal  seta,  Temalwahish,  Sokut  Menyil, 
Lawilvan,    Sivel,    Tova,   Wewutnowhu,    Pachawal,    Coahuilla.       The 


*5  In  the  form  Murkat  this  name  is  applied  by  the  Serrano  to  the  "mountains 
south  or  southwest  of  Colton,  probably  the  Sierra  Santa  Ana"  (A.  L.  Kroeber, 
Ethnography  of  the  Cahuilla  Indians,  Univ.  Calif.  Publ.  Am.  Arch.  Ethn.,  vin, 
34,  1900). 

46  The  Ethno-Botany  of  the  Coahuilla  Indians  of  Southern  California,  32, 
University  of  Chicago  Press,  1900. 


190  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

clans  of  each  moiety  are  listed  in  geographic  order  from  northwest 
to  southeast. 

Wild  Cat  Moiety 

1.  Kilyifiakiktum.      Mission  Creek. 

2.  Kauwisikiktum.  The  clan  of  Captain  Jim  and  his  son  Will  Jim,  Coachella 
informants.  This  clan  lives  also  at  Palm  Springs,  from  which  place  the  Coachella 
branch  is  said  to  have  been  derived  several  generations  ago.  Kamvis  is  said  to 
be  the  place  name  of  Palm  Springs  (compare  number  17).  Dr.  Kroeber  gives 
Kawishmu  (in  Serrano  language)  as  "a  small  hill  east  of  White  Water,  marking 
the  boundary  between  the  Wanupiapayum  and  the  desert  Cahuilla.  "4? 

3.  Wavitctem.  Originally  from  Indian  Well ;  later,  southeast  of  Thermal ; 
Mecca.      The  name  is  said  to  refer  to  wavic,  mesquite  tree.48 

4.  Wansiiiatamyanahutcum.  Tuba  (Tova?)  on  northeast  side  of  valley  near 
Coachella. 

5.  Isilsivayauwitcum.      South  of  Coachella. 

6.  Wankinakiktum.      South  of  Coachella. 

7.  Nanhaiyum.  Two  miles  south  of  Coachella  at  La  Mesa.  Ekwawinet  was 
the  name  of  the  village.49  The  husband  of  Maria  Augustine  belonged  to  this 
clan. 

8.  Telkiktum.      Two  miles  south  of  Coachella. 

9.  Aiyelmukut.      South  of  Coachella.      Lived  with  the  Nanhaiyum. 

10.  Panatkakiktum.  Thermal;  came  from  west  to  Thermal.  Perhaps  this 
clan  is  the  same  as  Panasakiktum   (no.  11). 

11.  Panasakiktum.  Six  or  seven  miles  southeast  Of  Coachella.  Compare 
no.  10. 

12.  Tuikiktum.      Southeast  of  Thermal. 

13.  Wakwaikiktum.  Maulim,  Toro.  The  mother  of  Maria  Augustine  belonged 
to  this  clan,  which  came  from  hot  springs  near  Warner 's  Kanch,  but  was  not 
Cupefio.  Compare  clan  no.  22  of  the  coyote  moiety  (p.  191).  The  name  is  said 
to  refer  to  the  water.  Wakwi,so  the  Luiseno  name  for  either  "El  Toro  or  Cabe- 
zon, "  certainly  is  to  be  connected  with  Wakwaikiktum. 

14.  Tamolanitcim.      Toro ;  Agua  Dulce. 

15.  Autaatem.  Martinez.  Lived  originally  on  the  west  side  of  the  valley 
near  Coachella. 

16.  Auwalim.  Martinez.  The  "dog"  clan;  from  awal,  dog;  a  joke  name 
(compare  no.  22,  Iswetum,  "wolf"  clan).  The  wife  of  Will  Jim  belongs  to 
this  clan. 

17.  Kauwispaumiyawitcem.  Mecca.  Kauwis  is  said  to  be  the  place  name 
of  Palm  Springs  (compare  no.  2);  paumiyawitcem  is  said  to  mean  "living 
among  the  rocks  in  the  mountains. ' ' 

18.  Walpunidikiktum.  Alamo.  The  mother  of  Will  Jim  and  wife  of  Captain 
Jim  belongs  to  this  clan. 

19.  Palpuniviktum.      Alamo. 

20.  Tamulakiktum.       Back   of   Alamo. 


47  Ethnography  of  the  Cahuilla  Indians,  present  series,  vin,  35,  1908. 

48  Dr.  Kroeber,  however,  gives  menyikic  for  mesquite ;  qwinyal  for  mesquite 
screw  (present  series,  vin,  238.  1909). 

4o  Dr.  Barrows  gives  Temahvahish  as  the  name  of  the  modern  village  at  La 
Mesa  (op.  cit.,  p.  32). 

so  A.  L.  Kroeber,  Shoshonean  Dialects  of  California,  present  series,  rv,  152, 
1907. 


1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  191 

21.  Palkausinakela.  Figtree  John  west  of  Salton  Sea.  This  is  the  clan  of 
a  well-known  Indian,  Figtree  John.  The  name  is  said  to  mean  "little  water 
coming  from  a  spring. ' '      Pal  piskalet  means  ' '  water  emerging. ' ' 

22.  Iswetum.  Cahuilla  Reservation.  Plural  of  iswet,  wolf.  This  name  is 
said  to  have  been  given  to  the  people  of  this  clan  because  of  the  habit  of  ' '  eating 
meat,"  and  was  applied  as  a  nickname  (compare  no.  16,  Auwalim,  "dog"  clan). 
Dr.  Kroeber  has  obtained  Luvus  (probably  Spanish  lobos,  wolf)  as  the  name  of 
a  "place  or  tribe  south,  in  vicinity  of  Cahuilla  reservation,  "si  It  seems  likely 
that  it  refers  to  this  clan.  Both  the  Iswetum  and  Auwalim  clans  are  also  called 
Temanakiktum,  "low  place  they  lived,"  as  they  are  believed  to  have  originated 
at  a  place  called  Temana. 

Coyote  Moiety 

1.  Wanikiktum.  Banning.  A  Serrano  informant  gave  "Pihatcap"  as  the 
name  of  the  original  Cahuilla  inhabitants  of  Banning. 

2.  Wavatum.  This  is  the  clan  of  Jim  Pine,  and  Twenty-nine  Palms  is  given 
as  its  home.  Dr.  Kroeber  places  Twenty-nine  Palms  in  Serrano  territory52  and 
one  of  my  Serrano  informants  gave  it  as  the  home  of  the  Serrano  Tamwionots 
clan. 

3.  Amnaavitcum.  Northwest  of  Palm  Springs.  This  name  contains  the 
same  stem  as  amnawat,  large. 

4.  Havinavitcum.      Palm  Springs. 

5.  Aatsatsum.  Indian  Well;  Happy  Point  to  Palm  Springs.  This  is  the  clan 
of  Ramon  Gracia,  a  Banning  informant.  The  name  is  said  to  mean  "a  good 
people."      Cf.   atcai,  good. 

6.  Wova-ikiktum.      Indio. 

7.  Sewakil.  Coachella.  This  is  the  clan  of  Maria  Augustine,  a  Coachella 
informant.      Sewakil  is  the  name  of  a  place  south  of  Indio. 

8.  Ikonikiktum.      Lived  with  the  Nanhaiyum. 

9.  Taukatim.      Two  or  three  miles  southwest  of  Coachella. 

10.  Sawalakiktum.       Toro.       Originally  lived  with   the   Nanhaiyum. 

11.  Masuvitcum.  Martinez.  The  name  refers  to  a  sandy  place.  The  Cahuilla 
word  for  sand  is  fiatcic. 

12.  Mumlaitim.       Martinez. 

13.  Wiitiim.  Martinez.  Perhaps  the  same  as  Wiyistam  (no.  22).  Wiitam 
is  said  to  mean  ' '  grasshopper, ' '  a  name  applied  to  this  clan  because  of  the 
habit  of  eating  grasshoppers. 

14.  Wansauwum.  Martinez.  This  clan  was  once  flooded  out  of  its  home ; 
hence  the  name   from  wanyic,   flood  or  stream.      Perhaps  identical  with  no.   15; 

15.  Wanisiwauyan.      Mecca.      Perhaps  identical  with  no.  14. 

16.  Teviflakiktum.      Alamo. 

17.  Iviatum.      Agua  Dulce. 

18.  Kaunakalkiktum.  Agua  Dulce.  This  clan  lived  at  a  place  where  a  shrub 
called  kaunakal  grew. 

19.  Sasalmayum.      Agua  Dulce. 

20.  Kauwistamilakiktum.      Agua  Dulce. 

21.  Hunavatikiktum.      In  the  mountains  south  or  southeast  of  Banning. 

22.  Wiyistam.  San  Ysidro.  It  seems  likely  that  this  is  the  San  Ysidro 
in  Cupeno  territory  (see  p.  192).  Wild  cat  clan  no.  13  (Wakwaikiktum)  appears 
to  have  come  from  the  same  region. 


si  Ethnography  of  the  Cahuilla  Indians,  present  series,  vm,  35,  1908. 
52  Ibid.,  p.  37. 


192  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

CTTPEnO 

The  information  concerning  the  social  organization  of  the  Cupeho, 
or  Agua  Caliente  Indians,  was  secured  from  Cupeho  living  on 
Morongo  Reservation  at  Banning  and  from  the  main  body  of  Cupeho 
concentrated  at  Pala,  San  Diego  County. 

The  greater  part  of  the  Cupeho  data  was  secured  from  three 
informants  at  Banning.  These  were  Desiderio  Laws,  Mrs.  Tomasa 
Annis,  and  her  nephew  Jose  Miguel.  Jose  Miguel,  a  half-breed 
Cupeho,  was  the  first  of  that  tribe  to  take  up  his  residence  at  Ban- 
ning, where  he  married  a  Serrano  woman  of  the  Mohiyanim  clan. 
The  Cahuilla  speak  of  the  Cupeho  as  Kupahakiktum,  meaning  "living 
at  Kupa,"  which  was  the  name  of  the  chief  Cupeho  village  located 
upon  Warner's  Ranch.  A  second  village  of  people  speaking  the  same 
language  was  located  at  San  Ysidro.     It  was  called  Wilakal.53 

The  Cupeho  are  organized  like  the  Cahuilla  on  the  basis  of 
exogamous  moieties  with  paternal  descent.  These  moieties  are  identi- 
fied with  the  coyote  (isil)  and  the  wild  cat  (tukut)  and  are  called 
istam  and  tuktum.  The  following  myth  fragment  refers  to  the  origin 
of  the  moiety  totems. 

In  the  beginning  all  was  dark  and  void.  A  bag  hung  in  space.  In  time  it 
opened  out  into  tAvo  halves.  From  one  half  came  coyote  (isil),  from  the  other 
came  wild  cat  (tukut).  They  immediately  fell  to  arguing  as  to  which  was  the 
older.  Coyote  was  the  older  because  he  spoke  first.  People  had  been  created, 
but  they  could  not  see.  They  were  in  mud  and  darkness.  They  heard  coyote 
call  first  and  they  knew  that  he  was  older.  The  people  were  not  in  the  bag  with 
coyote  and  wild  cat.  They  arose  from  the  mud  and  started  to  sing.  Shamans 
to-day  understand  coyote,  because  people  heard  him  first.  The  moieties  came 
from  the  beginning.5* 

Coyote's  totemites  have  the  reputation  of  being  quick  and  active 
like  coyote  himself.  Wild  cat's  totemites  on  the  other  hand  have  the 
reputation  of  being  slow  and  lazy.  The  coyote  totemites  jokingly 
tell  the  wild  cat  people  that  they  are  slow  and  lazy.  The  two  totems 
are  believed  to  have  been  men  or  gods  originally,  later  they  became 
animals.  Some  informants  identified  coyote  with  the  god  Tumaiyowit 
and  wild  cat  with  the  god  Mukat.  These  gods  led  the  people  from 
a  northern  home.  In  dances  the  men  and  women  of  the  coyote  moiety 
dance  in  two  groups  on  one  side.  Wild  cat  men  and  women  do  the 
same  on  the  other  side. 


sa  Mrs.    Julia   Johnston,    a   Pala   informant,    stated   that    she   was    from    that 
village  and  that  the  name  of  her  ' '  tribe ' '  was  Totcil. 

s*  The  last  sentence  was  in  response  to  a  question  how  the  moieties  originated. 


1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  193 

The  totem  is  called  wala,  which  means  great-great-grandparent  or 
ancestor.      There  is  no  belief  in  actual  descent  from  the  totem. 

One  Cupeiio  informant  said,  that  although  it  was  improper  for 
people  of  the  same  moiety  to  marry  if  they  were  both  of  the  same 
tribe,  it  was  not  improper  for  people  of  the  same  moiety  to  marry 
if  they  were  of  different  tribes,  as  for  example  Cupeno  and  Cahuilla. 
This  is  a  reversal  of  the  Yokuts  custom  in  which  moiety  exogamy  is 
adhered  to  in  intertribal  marriages. 

In  addition  to  the  division  into  moieties  the  Cupeno  are  divided 
into  seven  patrilinear  elans,  four  of  the  coyote  moiety  and  three  of 
the  wild  cat  moiety.  Moiety  exogamy  was  the  only  requisite  in  mar- 
riage, however.  A  man  selected  his  mate  from  any  one  of  the  clans 
of  the  moiety  of  which  he  was  not  a  member.  The  clans  are  called 
"parties"  by  the  natives,  possibly  evincing  a  different  attitude  of 
mind,  ceremonial  rather  than  genealogical,  from  that  of  the  Cahuilla 
who  speak  of  their  clans  as  "tribes."  Each  Cupeno  clan  or  party  is 
called  a  nout,  as  is  its  hereditary  chief.  The  Cupeno  clans  of  the 
co37ote  moiety  are  Potamatoligic,  Tcanalanalic,  Kauval,  and  Nauwilot. 
The  wild  cat  clans  are  Auliiiawic  or  Auliat,  Sivimoat,  and  Djutnika. 
These  seven  names  represent  the  maximum  number  of  clans 
mentioned.  All  seven  were  not  mentioned  by  any  one  informant. 
Certain  of  the  above  seven  clans  are  said  to  be  equivalent  to  certain 
others.  The  statements  in  this  regard  may  be  reduced  to  the  fol- 
lowing form : 

Kauval  =  Tcanalanalic  =  Nauwilot. 
Djutnika  =  Aulifiawic  =  Sivimoat. 
Potamatoligic. 

This  reduces  the  number  of  "parties"  to  three,  for  the  term 
"party"  is  used  by  the  natives  indiscriminately  for  a  clan  or  for  a 
group  of  fused  clans.  With  the  fused  or  combined  clans  just  listed 
the  native  use  of  the  word  "party"  is  not  far  amiss  and  will  be 
employed  in  this  paper.  "Clan"  can  only  be  used  for  one  of  the 
original  seven  theoretically  consanguineous  groups.  At  Pala  at 
present  three  is  the  actual  number  of  parties  which  exercise  ceremonial 
functions.  These  parties  are  Auliiiawic  of  the  wild  cat  moiety  with 
which  are  joined  Djutnika  and  Sivimoat,  Nauwilot  of  the  coyote 
moiety  with  which  are  joined  Kauval  and  Tcanalanalic,  and  Potama- 
toligic of  the  coyote  moiety.  The  chiefs  of  these  three  parties  at 
Pala  are  Juan  Aulinwic  of  the  Auliiiawic  party,  Francisco  Laws  or 


194  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

Nauwilot  of  the  Nauwilot  party,  and  Cecilio  Potamatoligic  (=  Black- 
tooth)  of  the  Potamatoligic  party. 

The  statements  of  informants  as  to  the  uniting  of  these  clans 
into  parties  are  quite  significant,  as  they  throw  light  upon  the  changes 
which  have  probably  taken  place  in  Luiseiio  society.  Djutnika  is 
said  by  some  informants  to  be  only  a  family  name  now,  the  people 
of  that  name  attaching  themselves  to  the  Sivimoat,  who  in  turn  fol- 
low the  lead  of  the  Aulinawic  in  ceremonial  matters.  Sivimoat  has 
no  chief,  since  decimated  in  numbers.  Members  of  the  Sivimoat 
clan  join  the  Aulinawic,  who  are  of  their  moiety,  in  all  ceremonies. 
When  I  was  at  Pala  in  January,  1917,  a  ceremony  was  scheduled  by 
the  Aulinawic  clan  for  a  week  later.  Cinon  Sivimoat  of  the  Sivimoat 
clan  told  me  that  his  people  would  take  part  with  the  Aulinawic  clan 
under  the  leadership  of  Juan  Aulinwic.  Cinon  said  that  he  was 
now  a  member  of  Juan  Aulinwic 's  party.  Years  ago,  he  said,  the 
Sivimoat  clan  had  its  own  chief,  but  since  his  death  and  the  deci- 
mation of  the  clan,  the  members  had  .joined  the  Aulinawic  party. 
Sivimoat  is  a  "family"  name  now  as  well  as  a  clan  name.  The 
Tcanalanalic  have  no  chief,  since  they  are  decimated  in  numbers.  In 
ceremonies  they  join  the  Nauwilot,  who  are  of  their  moiety. 

The  evidence  concerning  the  uniting  of  the  Tcanalanalic,  Nauwi- 
lot, and  Kauval  is  perplexing  in  the  light  of  information  furnished 
by  Mrs.  Tomasa  Annis.  Mrs.  Annis  stated  that  her  father's  "fam- 
ily" name  was  Kauval.  Her  brother  is  Francisco  Nauwilot  or  Laws, 
the  chief  of  the  Nauwilot  "party."  With  paternal  descent  it  would 
seem  that  the  brother's  name  ought  to  be  Kauval  instead  of  Nauwilot. 
Mrs.  Annis  said  that  the  three  names,  Tcanalanalic,  Nauwilot,  and 
Kauval  were  all  names  for  one  and  the  same  party.  She  said  that 
the  oldest  name  of  the  part}'  was  Kauval,  that  the  next  name  was 
Tcanalanalic,  while  Nauwilot  is  only  a  nickname.  On  the  other 
hand,  Cecilio  Tiperosa,  an  old  man  at  Pala,  said  that  Nauwilot  and 
Tcanalanalic  were  not  equivalent.  The  three  names  probably  stand 
for  three  original  clans  as  indicated  above. 

An  outsider  of  another  tribe  who  came  to  live  with  the  Cupeiio 
might  joint  any  part}*  he  liked,  though  it  is  quite  likely  that  his  moiety 
would  be  the  deciding  factor  as  to  which  party  he  did  join. 

It  is  clear  that  we  have  two  organizations  in  Cupeiio  society  in 
addition  to  the  exogamous  moieties.  First,  there  is  the  clan  with 
paternal  descent  and  with  an  hereditary  chief  called  a  nout.  Second, 
there  is  the  party,  as  the  natives  call  it,  which  has  one  of  the  old 


1918]  Gilford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  195 

clans  as  a  nucleus  and  has  drawn  to  itself  the  remnants  of  the  clans 
which  have  diminished  most  in  numbers.  As  has  been  already  pointed 
out  (see  p.  187)  some  such  amalgamation  of  clans  has  taken  place  at 
Toro  among  the  Cahuilla.  No  information  regarding  a  localization 
of  Cupefio  clans  was  obtained. 

Meanings  for  only  two  of  the  Cupefio  clan  names  were  forthcom- 
ing. Potamatoligic  is  said  to  mean  "black  tooth,"  and  Nauwilot  to 
mean  "body  lice."  Auliiiawic  would  seem  to  have  some  connection 
with  blood,  the  word  for  which  in  the  related  Luiseiio  language  is 
oula.  Furthermore,  aulinil  is  the  Cupeiio  name  for  the  girl's  puberty 
ceremony. 

The  following  list  of  names,  with  the  clan  to  which  each  individual 
belongs,  seems  worth  recording. 

Juan  Maria  belongs  to  the  Sivimoat  clan. 

Juan  Maria's  wife,  Ramona,  belongs  to  the  Tcanalafialic  elan. 

Cinon  Sivimoat  belongs  to  the  Sivimoat  clan. 

Francisco  Laws  belongs  to  the  Nauwilot  clan. 

Desiderio  Laws,  nephew  of  Francisco,  belongs  to  the  Nauwilot  clan. 

Cecilio  Tiperosa  belongs  to  the  Aulinawie  clan. 

Juan  Aulifiwic  belongs  to  the  Auliiiawic  clan,  of  which  he  is  chief. 

Mrs.  Julia  Johnston  belongs  to  the  Auliiiawic  clan. 

Mrs.  Julia  Johnston's  mother  was  of  the  Nauwilot  clan. 

Mrs.  Tomasa  Annis,  sister  of  Francisco  Laws,  belongs  to  the  Kauval  clan. 

Ambrose  and  John  Ortega  are  of  the  Potamatoligic  clan. 

Each  hereditary  clan  chief  (nout)  has  an  hereditary  assistant 
called  kutvovoc.  The  word  kutvovoc  evidently  refers  to  kut,  fire. 
Carrying  messages  for  the  chief,  supervising  the  preparation  of  food, 
and  receiving  guests  seem  to  be  the  chief  duties  of  the  kutvovoc. 
Juan  Auliilwic,  chief  of  the  Auliiiawic  clan,  has  as  kutvovoc  Cecilio 
Tiperosa.  Mariano  Blacktooth,  chief  of  the  Potamatoligic  clan,  has 
as  kutvovoc  Ambrose  Ortega.  Francisco  Laws,  chief  of  the  Nauwi- 
lot clan,  acts  as  both  nout  and  kutvovoc,  as  his  kutvovoc  died  without 
a  successor  and  his  clan  is  small  and  dwindling  in  number.  There 
was  yet  another  official,  called  paha,  whose  duties  were  restricted  to 
initiation  ceremonies.  He  officiated  at  the  toloache  ceremony  as 
assistant  to  the  toloache  chief  (see  p.  196)  and  assembled  the  people 
when  an  image  or  other  important  memorial  ceremony  was  planned. 
When  Juan  Auliiiwic  gives  a  ceremony  he  invites  the  other  two 
parties,  Potamatoligic  and  Nauwilot.  The  chief  of  each  of  these 
parties  does  the  same  when  he  gives  a  ceremony.  The  three  wild 
cat  clans,  Auliiiawic,  Djutnika,  and  Sivimoat,  always  act  as  a  unit 


196  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

in  ceremonial  matters.  Opposed  to  these  in  such  matters  are  two 
groups  of  the  coyote  moiety,  one  the  Potamatoligic,  the  other  composed 
of  Kauval,  Tcahalanalic,  and  Nauwilot.  The  father  of  one  inform- 
ant, Mrs.  Tomasa  Annis,  was  chief  of  the  Tcahalanalic  clan.  He 
inherited  the  position  from  his  paternal  uncle. 

There  were  no  moiety  chiefs.  There  was  recently,  however,  a  vil- 
lage chief  who  was  elected  annually.  There  was  no  such  chieftain  in 
ancient  times,  however. 

Each  clan  had  songs  about  its  enemies.  The  ceremony  in  which 
these  were  sung  is  called  piniwahat.  Dancing  formed  a  part  of  the 
ceremony. 

"When  a  fiesta  is  to  be  given  by  a  coyote  clan  or  party,  the  members 
first  meet  and  discuss  the  matter.  At  the  fiesta,  they  often  cook 
for  and  serve  the  wild  cat  guests.  On  the  other  hand  the  food  may 
be  brought  by  the  clansmen  to  their  kutvovoc,  and  he  turns  it  over 
to  the  kutvovoc  of  the  guest  clan,  or  party,  the  members  of  which 
prepare  it.  It  is  eaten  by  the  guests  in  the  "ceremonial  house." 
The  hosts  eat  at  home. 

In  order  to  ascertain  the  extent  of  the  ceremonial  functions  of 
the  clans  and  parties,  informants  were  questioned  with  regard  to  the 
various  ceremonies  common  to  the  Cupeno  and  their  neighbors,  the 
Luisefio  and  Dieguefio.  Descriptions  of  these  ceremonies  among  the 
Luiseiio  have  been  published  by  Miss  Du  Bois55  and  among  the 
Dieguefio  by  Dr.  Waterman.56 

The  toloache  ceremony  is  called  manit  paninil  (==  toloache 
drinking).  A  special  chief,  also  called  nout,  had  charge  of  this, 
independent  of  the  clan  chiefs.  A  man  of  the  Tcahalanalic  clan 
held  this  position,  which  was  said  to  be  inherited  in  the  male  line 
and  restricted  to  that  clan.  His  assistants,  who  taught  the  initiates 
to  dance,  were  of  various  clans  and  of  both  moieties.  The  toloache 
chief  selected  the  boys  for  initiation. 

There  was  said  to  be  a  special  teacher  for  the  whirling  dance 
(pukavihat).  He  was  a  coyote  man  of  the  Potamatoligic  clan  and 
taught  only  Potamatoligic  youths  except  that  on  one  occasion,  the 
informant  recollected,  a  Tcahalanalic  youth  was  taught. 

The  girls'  ceremony,  olunika  or  aulinil,  was  a  clan  affair  and  not 
a   tribal   affair   as   was   the   boys'   toloache   ceremony.       Each    clan 


ss  The  Religion  of  the  Luisefio  Indians  of  Southern  California,  present  series, 
vm.  69-186,  1908. 

56  The  Religious  Practices  of  the  Dieguefio  Indians,  present  series,  vm,  271- 
358,  1910. 


1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  197 

''roasted"  its  own  girls,  inviting  other  clans  to  witness  and  to  sing 
and  dance  at  the  ceremony.  In  dancing  in  a  ring  around  the  pit 
in  which  the  girls  were  placed,  the  wild  cat  people  kept  together,  as 
did  the  coyote  people.  All,  however,  formed  a  continuous  ring.  It 
was  stated  that  the  girls'  ceremony  took  place  at  the  time  of  the 
image  ceremony. 

If  a  coyote  clan  or  party  is  to  kill  an  eagle,  the  wild  cat  people  are 
invited  to  the  ceremony.  The  feathers  taken  from  the  bird  are  used 
for  dance  paraphernalia.  A  young  eagle  is  often  captured  and 
reared.  In  winter  people  will  go  hungry  themselves  in  order  to  feed 
the  eagle. 

If  a  Cupeiio  man  marries  a  woman  of  another  tribe,  for  example 
a  woman  of  Saboba,  and  later  a  child  born  of  this  marriage  dies,  he 
must  give  an  expensive  mourning  ceremony  to  which  he  invites  the 
Saboba  people. 

In  the  matter  of  mourning  ceremonies  the  clans  exercise  truly 
reciprocal  functions.  A  week  after  a  death  a  ceremony  called 
pisatuil  is  held  at  the  "assembly  house."  The  people  sing  all  night. 
First  the  people  of  the  opposite  moiety  sing  for  half  of  the  night. 
Then  the  people  of  the  dead  person's  clan  or  party  sing  for  the  second 
half  of  the  night. 

A  month  or  two  after  a  death,  the  ceremony  called  sushomnil  is 
held.  In  this  ceremony  property  is  burned  and  distributed  by  the 
clan  of  the  deceased,  his  near  relatives  giving  the  most.  The  people 
of  the  opposite  moiety  seize  what  they  wish  when  the  fellow  clansmen 
of  the  deceased  throw  pieces  into  the  air  as  offerings.  The  kutvovoc 
of  the  bereaved  clan  passes  the  property  to  be  given  away  to  the 
kutvovoc  of  a  clan  of  the  opposite  moiety,  who  divides  it  among 
his  clansmen.  The  kutvovoc  of  the  bereaved  clan  builds  the  fire  to 
burn  the  offerings.  The  people  dance  contra-clockwise  around  the 
fire,  especially  while  the  offerings  are  burning.  If  a  person  of  an- 
other tribe,  Cahuilla  or  Luiseiio,  steps  into  the  line  to  dance,  presents 
are  given  him.     About  the  fire  both  wild  cat  and  coyote  people  dance. 

The  most  important  memorial  ceremony  is  the  image  ceremony  or 
naiiawil.  It  takes  place  every  few  years,  and  often  it  is  held  for 
four  or  five  dead,  or  for  all  who  have  died  sinee  the  preceding 
naiiawil.  Before  the  ceremony  is  announced,  each  clan  discusses  the 
matter  with  its  bereaved  families.  If  a  family  is  not  quite  ready, 
the  ceremony  is  postponed.  The  naiiawil  is  given  by  only  one  moiety 
at  a  time,  namely  the  moiety  of  the  deceased.      The  clan  or  clans  of 


198  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

that  moiety  furnish  money  and  property  for  the  ceremony.  The 
opposite  moiety  is  invited. 

The  relatives  of  the  deceased  make  the  heads  of  the  images  which 
represent  the  dead.  They  also  gather  the  material  for  the  images. 
This  consists  of  bundles  of  Epicampes  grass  called  masbat.  If  there 
are  four  dead  four  bundles  of  grass  are  supplied.  These  bundles, 
together  with  the  heads  of  the  images,  framework,  and  clothing,  are 
given  to  the  people  of  the  opposite  moiety  to  be  put  together.  The 
chief  of  a  clan  or  party  always  has  a  supply  of  masbat  at  his  house. 
Each  family  also  has  some  on  hand. 

The  ceremony  occupies  three  days  and  three  nights.  Men  sing 
at  night,  women  during  the  day.  If  the  coyote  moiety  is  bereaved, 
the  wild  cat  men  sing  during  the  first  half  of  each  night,  the  coyote 
men  during  the  second  half.  A  similar  order  is  observed  in  the  sing- 
ing of  the  women  during  the  day. 

On  the  first  and  second  nights  the  materials  for  the  images  are 
collected  in  a  pile.  On  the  last  morning  of  the  ceremony  the  people 
of  the  opposite  moiety  make  the  images,  each  kutvovoc  assigning 
the  work  to  his  clansmen.  They  and  their  relatives  help  him  to  make 
the  images.  Relatives  of  the  dead  person,  whose  image  he  makes, 
pay  him  while  he  is  putting  the  image  together.  If  the  deceased  has 
numerous  relatives,  he  receives  considerable  money;  if  few,  he  re- 
ceives but  little.  The  images  are  put  together  in  a  very  short  time. 
They  are  completed  before  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  people 
of  the  opposite  moiety  carry  them,  while  the  bereaved  moiety  scatters 
money,  food,  clothes,  and  baskets.  These  are  collected  by  the  oppo- 
site moiety.  The  images  are  thrown  on  a  fire  which  is  lighted  by 
a  kutvovoc  of  the  officiating  moiety.  The  burning  takes  place  out  of 
doors  in  a  circular  pit.  The  kutvovoc  who  lights  the  fire  is  paid  for 
that  service  by  the  bereaved  moiety.  The  ceremony  ends  with  seven 
or  eight  songs  sung  by  the  combined  women  of  both  moieties.  The 
material  given  by  the  bereaved  moiety  is  divided  by  the  kutvovoc  of 
the  recipient  moiety  at  the  end  of  the  ceremony. 

By  the  Cupeno  the  electric  fire  ball  is  called  Tur,  a  name  quite 
different  from  that  used  by  the  other  Shoshonean  groups  of  southern 
California,  among  whom  this  apparition  is  usually  known  as  Takwite 
or  Takwic.  The  Cupeno  like  the  other  groups  consider  Tur  to  be  a 
spirit,  who  dwells  in  a  large  rock  high  up  on  Mount  San  Jacinto. 
People  who  approach  his  house  must  do  so  quietly.  The  Indians 
report  that  white  people  who  believe  that  there  is  gold  under  the  rock 


1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  199 

have  made  several  attempts  to  obtain  it.     Each  time  Tur  has  appeared 
and  driven  the  treasure  seekers  away. 

Two  brief  Cupeno  myths  were  obtained.  One  tells  of  the  two 
deities  Tumaiyowit  and  Mukat.  The  other  recites  the  annihilation 
and  regeneration  of  the  Cupeno  and  is  quite  parallel  to  the  Morongo 
clan  legend  (see  p.  182)  of  the  Serrano. 

Tumaiyowit  and  Mukat. — The  gods  Tumaiyowit  and  Mukat  created  the  world 
and  all  that  is  in  it.  They  quarreled  and  argued  as  to  their  respective  ages. 
They  disagreed  on  many  things.  Tumaiyowit  wished  people  to  die.  Mukat  did 
not.  Tumaiyowit  went  down  to  another  world  under  this  world,  taking  his  be- 
longings with  him.      People  die  because  Tumaiyowit  died. 

Mukat,  who  remained  on  earth,  finally  fell  under  the  ill-will  of  mankind, 
because  he  caused  quarrelling  and  fighting.  Each  evening  he  put  the  people 
to  sleep  by  blowing  tobacco  smoke  from  his  pipe.  When  they  were  fast  asleep, 
he  arose  stealthily,  stepped  over  them,  and  went  to  the  ocean  to  defecate.  Each 
time  he  heard  his  excrement  strike  the  ocean  floor  and  he  knew  that  all  was  well. 
Three  times  he  would  hear  the  sound.  Then  he  returned.  When  the  people 
aAvoke  they  found  him  in  his  place.  They  tried  every  possible  means  to  discover 
when  and  where  the  god  attended  to  his  natural  functions,  but  to  no  avail. 

Finally  a  very  slim  lizard  hid  on  the  god's  cane.  The  god  did  not  see  it. 
The  lizard  discovered  where  the  god  went  and  what  he  did  and  reported  to  the 
people.  Then  they  set  the  frog  to  bewitch  the  god.  The  frog  hid  in  the  ocean, 
and,  as  the  god  defecated,  swallowed  his  excrement.  The  god,  not  hearing  the 
usual  sound,  knew  that  something  was  wrong.  He  poked  downward  with  his 
cane,  which  rubbed  along  the  back  of  the  frog  making  the  marks  which  we  see 
there  to-day.  The  god  Mukat  became  ill  and  died.  When  ill  he  told  the  people, 
"  If  I  die  to-day  or  to-morrow,  burn  me.  Do  not  let  coyote  come  near  me,  for 
he  will  do  an  evil  deed." 

Upon  the  death  of  the  god  his  body  was  burned.  The  people  sent  coyote  to 
fetch  wood  for  the  funeral  pyre,  for  they  feared  that  he  might  eat  the  body  of 
the  god.  Coyote  departed.  He  was  away  nearly  a  day.  As  soon  as  he  left, 
they  started  to  burn  the  body.  The  fire  drill  and  hearth  with  which  the  pyre  was 
ignited,  were  two  men.  The  body  of  the  god  was  burning  when  coyote  reached 
the  end  of  the  world.  He  saw  the  smoke  and  hurried  back.  When  he  arrived  at 
home  all  of  the  body  had  burned  except  the  heart,  which  the  people  kept  turning 
to  make  it  burn.  When  coyote  arrived  the  people  were  standing  close  together 
about  the  pyre.  He  said,  "Brothers  and  sisters,  let  me  see  this.  He  is  my 
god. ' '  They  only  stood  the  closer  together,  but  coyote  jumped  over  them  and 
seized  the  heart.  He  ran  north,  where  he  ate  it.  Where  the  blood  dripped  there 
.is  gold.  The  people  pursued  in  vain.  Coyote  looked  back  as  he  ran  with  the 
heart  in  his  mouth.  That  is  why  a  coyote,  when  running  away  always  looks 
back  to  this  day. 

The  people  who  stood  around  the  pyre  became  trees,  some  tall,  others  short. 
It  was  over  the  short  people  that  coyote  had  jumped.  The  people  pursued  coyote 
northward.  Across  the  mountains  in  that  direction  the  trees  stretch  to-day.  They 
are  the  people  who  pursued  coyote.  Some  have  been  knocked  down,  just  as  coyote 
knocked  down  the  people. 

The  Annihilation  and  Regeneration  of  the  Cupeno. — The  people  came  from 
the   north  under  the   leadership   of   Tumaiyowit   and   Mukat.       Different   groups 


200  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

settled  here  and  there.  The  Kauval  settled  at  Saboba.5  *  The  Cupefio  first 
settled  three  miles  southwest  of  Kupa.  They  brought  with  them  a  green,  hair- 
like water  plant  as  their  (hot)  water  supply.  Wherever  they  placed  this  they 
had  boiling  water.  From  their  first  place  of  settlement  they  saw  that  the  sun 
always  shone  at  Kupa,  so  they  moved  over  there.  At  their  first  settlement  the 
sun  went  down  early  and  it  was  cold. 

The  Cupefio  were  once  completely  annihilated  by  enemies.  Only  the  Diegueiio 
wife  of  one  man  and  his  infant  son  escaped  the  massacre,  which  was  carried  out 
by  seven  or  eight  surrounding  tribes.  The  attackers  surprised  the  Cupefio, 
clubbed  them  to  death,  and  burned  their  houses.  They  called  to  this  Diegueiio 
woman  to  come  out  of  her  burning  house.  She  did  so  carrying  her  babe  in  her 
arms.  She  said  it  was  a  girl  baby  and  both  she  and  it  were  spared.  It  was 
really  a  boy. 

The  baby  boy  who  thus  escaped  the  massacre  was  of  the  coyote  moiety 
Hoboyak  was  his  name;  it  means  "capable  of  doing  anything.  "58  He  grew 
amazingly.  His  mother  took  him  to  San  Felipe.  He  hunted  and  killed  rabbits, 
but  others  took  them  from  him.  His  mother  asked,  ' '  Cannot  you  kill  something, 
mice  or  something?"  He  told  his  mother  that  others  took  his  game  from  him. 
She  informed  him  that  the  San  Felipe  people  were  not  his  kin.  She  said,  ' '  Kupa 
is  your  home,  but  your  kin  have  all  been  killed.  Over  there  is  your  water,  your 
hot  water,  your  rabbit,^  your  eagle." 

When  his  mother  said  this,  the  boy  replied,  "I  am  going  to  see  my  eagle,  my 
water,  my  rabbit,  and  my  home. ' '  He  fell  to  thinking  about  it  and  people  saw 
that  there  was  something  wrong  with  him.  They  asked  his  mother  what  the 
trouble  was.  The  woman  told  her  son  of  relatives  at  Saboba,  men  of  his  moiety,eo 
the  coyote  moiety.  She  pounded  all  sorts  of  seeds  for  food.61  One  night  she 
and  her  son  stole  away. 

From  Saboba  the  people  saw  the  mother  and  boy  approaching  when  they  were 
as  far  away  as  Hemet.  [Hemet  is  four  miles  from  Saboba.]  They  said,  "There 
come  a  man  and  his  wife.  Who  can  they  be?"  An  old  man,  who  had  been 
indoors  until  now,  stepped  out  and  asked  who  came.  He  looked  and  at  one  glance 
knew  that  the  others  were  wrong.  ' '  They  are  a  mother  and  her  son, ' '  he  said. 
He  recognized  them  while  they  were  still  as  far  away  as  Hemet.  The  woman 
told  the  Saboba  people  of  the  fate  of  the  people  of  Kupa. 

Hoboyak  killed  more  rabbits  than  any  one  else.  He  employed  two  kinds  of 
throwing  sticks  in  hunting  rabbits.  One  was  straight  and  is  called  wakat;  it 
was  an  ordinary  stick  broken  from  a  bush.  The  other  was  the  eurved  throwing 
stick  called  nilyat.  The  mother  and  son  remained  at  Saboba  for  a  while.  The 
young  man  was  restless.  He  wished  to  go  to  his  own  country.  Again  the  mother 
pounded  seeds,  and  again  they  stole  away  at  night.  They  went  along  the  moun- 
tains toward  Cahuilla  Reservation  to  Wiatava.  They  remained  there  a  while. 
One  day  while  the  mother  pounded  seeds  Hoboyak  slipped  away.  She  had  always 
kept  him  in  sight  before.  He  ran  far  and  found  a  bear's  tracks.  He  returned 
and  told  his  mother. 

' '  Mother,  you  cannot  guess  what  I  saw. ' '  She  named  everything  except  the 
bear.      The  young  man  answered,  "No,"  to  each.      She  could  think  of  no  other 


57  Represented  there  by  Jesus  Jauro  and  relatives. 

58  It  is  said  to  be  also  a  term  for  shaman ;  pul  is  the  usual  term  for  shaman. 

59  A  mythical  white  and  red  spotted  rabbit  about  three  feet  high  which  dwells 
upon  Rabbit  Peak.  When  the  rabbit  appears,  the  mountain  shakes  and  trembles 
and  there  is  a  rumbling  noise. 

so  The  Kauval.     See  above,  also  footnote  57. 

si  Pulverized  wild  seed  is  called  poiyic,  and  is  mixed  with  water  when  eaten. 


1918]  Gifford:  Clam  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  201 

animal.  Then  she  said,  "There  is  nothing  else."  The  young  man  said,  "The 
tracks  were  like  those  of  a  man."  The  mother  said,  "That  is  a  bear." 
Hoboyak  said,  ' '  That  is  the  one.  Mother,  I  am  going  to  kill  that  bear. ' '  She 
objected,  saying  that  the  bear  was  dangerous  and  killed  many  people.  Hoboyak 
made  a  bow  and  arrows  and  slipped  away  again.  He  tracked  the  bear  and  found 
it.  They  fought.  The  bear  jumped  repeatedly  at  the  youth,  but  he  always 
stepped  aside.  At  last  as  the  bear  went  by  him,  he  drove  an  arrow  into  its  heart. 
He  skinned  the  bear  and  took  home  the  hide. 

He  carried  the  hide  under  his  arm  and  showed  it  to  his  mother.  He  said, 
' '  I  will  show  you  something  else. ' '  He  told  his  mother  to  sit  on  the  bear  hide 
behind  him.  It  became  a  bear  and  carried  them.  He  stopped  the  bear  and  it 
became  a  hide  again. 

' '  Mother,  I  am  not  afraid  to  attack  anyone.  "With  you  and  my  bear,  we 
can  kill  many  people.  We  shall  now  go  straight  home. ' '  Then  they  went  towards 
Kupa.  The  mother  retarded  progress  as  much  as  possible.  When  close  to 
Kupa,  Hoboyak  stole  away  for  a  hot  water  bath. 

The  mother  objected  to  approaching  any  closer  to  Kupa.  Hoboyak  remon- 
strated, "Mother,  I  want  my  place.  I  have  seen  my  eagle  (aswut),  my  rabbit 
(suic)."  They  camped  twice  in  unsatisfactory  places.  Then  they  came  to  a 
tongue  of  land,  two  miles  west  of  Kupa,  from  which  they  could  see  a  long  way 
on  both  sides.  From  there  Hoboyak  went  daily  to  a  place  about  half  a  mile 
from  Warner's  Eanch,  where  women  gathered  seed.  Women  saw  him  daily  and 
reported  to  their  families,  who  would  not  believe  them,  because  they  knew  that 
no  one  lived  at  Kupa.  At  last  a  man  came  to  see  if  the  reports  of  the  women 
were  true.  He  saw  the  young  man  pass.  Each  day,  however,  Hoboyak  had  a 
different  appearance,  thus  making  the  spectators  think  that  many  people  lived 
at  Kupa. 

All  of  the  surrounding  peoples  planned  to  kill  the  Cupenos  whom  they  imagined 
to  live  again  at  Kupa.  As  the  people  watched,  Hoboyak  appeared  in  different 
forms  always  from  the  same  hut.  They  approached  closer  under  cover.  From 
his  hill  (the  tongue  of  land  which  was  about  fifty  feet  high)  Hoboyak  saw  them. 
He  approached  them,  carrying  his  bear  skin  and  asking  them  to  wait.  When 
close  enough,  he  slung  the  bear  skin  at  them.  It  became  a  real  bear  and  attacked 
them.  Hoboyak  shot  them.  His  mother  clubbed  the  wounded.  All  but  one  of 
the  attackers  were  killed.  He  told  the  survivor  to  go  and  tell  his  people  that 
the  score  had  been  settled.  Hoboyak  killed  his  last  man  by  striking  his  head 
against  an  oak  tree.  The  tree  and  place  to-day  are  called  Tubasalpokbo,  meaning 
' '  where  one  man 's  head  was  pounded. ' ' 

Hoboyak  and  his  mother  now  moved  to  Kupa.  He  married  two  Luiseno 
sisters  from  Eincon  (?).      From  this  marriage  came  the  Cupeno  of  to-day.62 


LUISES063 
The   Luiseno  have  neither  moieties  nor  totems.      They  possess, 
however,  localized  patrilinear  clans  or  families  on  the  one  hand,  and 
parties  or  religious  societies  on  the  other. 

62  In  answer  to  my  question  the  informant  said  that  the  wild  cat  moiety  came 
later  to  Kupa,  after  Hoboyak  established  himself.  It  was  there  before  the 
massacre  and  destruction,  however. 

63  Data  were  secured  at  Rincon,  at  Pichanga  Avhere  the  Temecula  people  are 
now  located,  and  at  Saboba  near  San  Jacinto. 


202  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

First,  as  to  the  families  or  clans,  of  which  a  list  of  eighty-one  was 
obtained.64  One  informant,  Gregorio  Ornish,  whose  father  was  an 
Omic  and  mother  a  Sovenic,  said  that  he  might  marrj-  any  women  so 
long  as  she  belonged  to  neither  of  these  groups.  Such  being  the  case 
it  seems  quite  clear  that,  if  these  groups  are  clans,  they  are  rather 
small,  or  else  that  the  sentiment  against  the  marriage  of  individuals 
related  in  anj-  degree  is  exceedingly  strong.  Among  the  Serrano  we 
have  noted  that  the  Morongo  and  Mohiyanim  clans  always  inter- 
married, which  of  course  means  that  they  were  of  considerable  size. 
In  fact,  they  must  have  been  of  sufficient  numerical  strength  to  allow 
of  continuous  intermarriage  without  arousing  the  sentiment  against 
incestuous  marriage.  With  the  Luiseno  each  group  may  have  been 
of  such  small  size  that  continuous  intermarriage  between  any  two 
involved  incest  from  the  native's  point  of  view.  The  Luiseno  groups 
certainly  bear  a  resemblance  to  the  numerous  Cahuilla  clans.  Since 
they  are  double  in  number,  they  perhaps  represent  the  Cahuilla 
fabric  of  clan  organization  much  more  finely  spun.  As  with  the 
Cahuilla  each  group  is  dignified  by  a  name.  The  names  resemble 
the  Miwok  personal  names65  inasmuch  as  they  are  chiefly  verbs  or 
derivatives  of  verbs.  They  lack  the  totemic  connotations  of  the 
Miwok  names,  however.66  Judging  from  the  tendency  of  other 
Shoshonean  groups  and  of  the  Yuman  groups  in  southern  California 
to  name  groups  of  kindred  or  quasi-kindred  as  clans,  it  seems  clear 
that  this  Luiseno  naming  of  families  or  clans  is  a  manifestation  of 
the  same  tendency,  perhaps  carried  to  a  greater  degree  of  refinement 
and  possibly  stimulated  by  European  contact.  Whether  we  should 
call  the  Luiseno  groups  "clans"  or  "families"  is  a  question  which 
can  be  definitely  settled  only  with  ample  genealogical  data. 

Certain  families  or  clans  possess  hereditary  chieftains  at  the  pres- 
ent time.  Certain  others  are  said  to  have  had  such  chieftains  in 
former  days,  but  now  lack  them  because  of  decimated  numbers. 
There  is  no  evidence  to  show  that  each  of  the  eighty-one  groups  had 
a  chieftain,  however.  It  was  stated  that  in  former  times  those  groups 
which  had  chiefs  were  "parties"  in  themselves,  which  undoubtedly 


C4  By  one  informant  the  word  ' '  tribes ' '  was  used  for  these  groups,  although 
the  native  term  applied— tnnlam— actually  means  ' '  names. ' '  By  another  inform- 
ant the  term  ' '  families ' '  was  applied,  although  the  native  term  use — kamalum — 
actually  means  ' '  children. ' '  For  ' '  tribes ' '  the  second  informant  gave  ketcam 
(cf.  ketcamkawic,  southerner,  applied  to  th*>  Diegueno),  which  he  said  applied 
only  to  linguistic  groups  like  the  Cahuilla,  Gupefio,  and  Diegueno. 

es  E.  W.  Gifford,  Miwok  Moieties,  present  series,  xii,  146,  1916. 

G6  Some  of  the  Luiseno  have  Spanish  names  which  are  translations  of  their 
Indian  family  names. 


1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  203 

means  that  they  were  true  clans  and  not  families  and  performed  all 
of  the  functions  of  the  present-day  party  among  the  Luiseno.67 

The  family  or  clan  names  follow,  arranged  by  locality.68  The  late 
P.  S.  Sparkman's  manuscript  dictionary  of  the  Luiseno  language  has 
been  consulted  in  verifying  and  ascertaining  the  meaning  and  deriva- 
tion of  the  names. 

Kincon 

1.  Omic.      Said  to  mean  blood;  cf.  aula,  blood,  and  aumawie,  bloody. 

2.  Kalak.  Cf.  kalek,  soon,  presently,  quickly,  in  a  short  time,  speedily,  with- 
out delay. 

3.  Miteax.  Rammed,  as  into  a  hole.  The  Spanish  name  of  this  family  is 
Tapador  (one  who  stops,  shuts  up). 

4.  Nesikat.  Scraping  off  a  little,  as  taking  a  little  off  of  the  top  of  a  pile 
of  earth.  Nesi,  to  graze,  to  touch  lightly  in  passing;  -kat,  recent  imperfect  or 
habitual  agent. 

5.  Covenic.    Mean,  ugly,  cranky.     Cf.  cowoic,  someone  to  be  afraid  of. 

6.  Tcevic.      Breaking  by  pulling. 

7.  Kewewic.  Fox.  Mentioned  by  a  Saboba  informant  as  the  name  of  a 
Rincon  family. 

La  Jolla 

1.  Cuvic.  Rustling  noise  made  by  disturbing  dry  leaves.  Cuvic,  making  a 
rustling  noise. 

2.  Agit.  Said  to  mean  a  hole  in  the  ground,  like  a  gopher's.  The  mother  of 
Vidal  Mojadu  was  of  this  family. 

3.  Amagu.      Said  to  mean  branch  of  a  tree. 

4.  Wasax.      Stretched. 

5.  Ayuvo.      Wet.      Sebak  was  given  as  another  name  for  this  group. 

6.  Paliwac.      A  ground  fungus  known  as  ' '  puff  ball. ' ' 

7.  Awayu. 

8.  Tovak.      Said  to  mean  sediment  from  dirty  water. 

9.  Tcintcinlic.      Said  to  mean  to  pound  with  a  pestle. 

10.  Wivic.  Said  to  mean  cutting  around  the  edge  of  something,  as  of  a  piece 
of  cloth. 

Patjma 

1.  Maxlafia.      Maxwal,  fan  palm ;   -na,  locative. 

2.  Kenic.     Ground  squirrel. 

3.  Coktcum.  Said  to  mean  to  scratch  flesh  a  bit  with  nails.  Cf.  coki,  to 
pinch  or  scratch.      Another  informant  gave  the  meaning  as  "mean  people." 

4.  Pauval. 

5.  Ayal.      Cf.  ayalic,  knowledge. 

6.  Teat.      White  owl. 


67  Felix  Calac  mentioned  the  Miteax  ' '  family ' '  as  originally  having  been  a 
"party"  and  as  having  had  a  chief.  They  came  from  Puerta  Cruz.  Now  there 
are  only  Manuel  Miteax  and  his  father  left  at  Rincon  and  a  few  others  at  Pala. 
Manuel  and  his  father  belong  to  no  party  at  present. 

fls  J.  A.  Marino,  a  half-breed  (Spanish-Cupeno)  at  Rincon  said  that  his 
mother's  father  (a  Cupeno')  was  named  Nuka.  Whether  it  was  a  personal  name 
or  group  name  could  not  be  ascertained. 


204  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 


Pauma  Rancho 

1.  Ciwax.      Wake  up. 

2.  Povofia.  Said  to  mean  feeling  a  slight  pain  after  a  severe  one,  as  when 
pain  of  cut  finger  eases. 

Cuca 

1.  Ackat.      Bather.      Family  of  Jose  Albaiias,  who  belongs  to  Anoyum  party. 

2.  Mokwakwis.  Said  to  mean  to  walk  around  a  post ;  to  make  a  round  hole. 
Perhaps  in  part  from  moni,  to  travel. 

3.  Pantovak. 

4.  Camnim.      Perhaps  from  camki,  to  gather  grass. 

0.  Wasaiyik.      Said  to  mean  to  pull  on  something. 

6.  Noiyikas.      Said  to  mean  making  shade  in  hot  weather. 

Pala 

1.  Luvakwis.      Said  to  mean  to  wilt;  to  become  dry.      Cf.  laviki,  to  wither. 

2.  Tcori.  Said  to  mean  rolling  a  round  object  on  the  ground.  Possibly  really 
tcari,  to  tear;  or  tcorii,  to  cut  much  wood. 

3.  Wakpic.      Broom   (for  sweeping). 

4.  Sokisla.  Said  to  mean  living  forever.  The  name  resembles  the  word 
cakiela  (the  common  nettle). 

PlCHANGA 

1.  Tcauwi.  To  chase  or  scare  up  game.  This  is  really  a  Rincon  family  with 
a  branch  at  Pichanga. 

2.  Hakyuk.      Said  to  mean  hungry.      Cf.  hakwli,  to  be  hungry. 

3.  Tcukul.      Perhaps  from  tcuki,  to  fill  tight. 

4.  Efila.      Salt. 

5.  Wilix. 

6.  Pahanim.      Budding.      Compare  pahankic,  a  kind  of  cane  grass. 

7.  Oyot.      Thief,  robber. 

8.  Kowak. 

9.  Atatci.      Bark  of  tree. 

10.  Tosamal.      A  small  plant  with  yellow  flowers,  Baeria  gracilis. 

11.  Kocak.      Said  to  mean  sweet.      Compare  kocahat,  sweet. 

12.  Wavic.  People  piling  food  for  fiesta;  literally,  the  bringing  or  taking 
away. 

13.  Cahama.  Said  to  mean  "in  the  white  willows."  Compare  cahamawic, 
abounding  with  white  willow;  cahat,  white  willow. 

14.  Makara. 

15.  Canat.      Asphaltum. 

16.  Bahovic. 

17.  Totmani.  Rolling  stone.  Tota,  stone;  mani,  to  roll  something  heavy. 
An  aged  woman  of  this  family  named  Stefana  said  that  Totmani  had  been  trans- 
mitted as  the  family  name  from  before  the  time  of  her  great  grandfather. 

San  Luis  Rey 

1.  Tuvotwic  or  Tovotmuc.  Said  to  mean  something  which  has  been  ground 
to  dust  or  flour.      Towut,  fine  dust. 

2.  Atuulu.  Said  to  mean  a  plant  growing  abundantly.  Cf.  atoula,  the  trunk 
of  a  tree,  rootstock,  or  bulb  of  a  plant. 


1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  205 

3.  Halixlina  or  Haliislina.  The  first  is  said  to  mean  walking  pigeon-toed,  the 
second  standing  stooped  or  hump-backed  with  arms  slightly  flexed.  Mr.  Spark- 
man  gives  pepeahat  for  pigeon-toed.      Possibly  from  halahali,  to  be  loose. 

4.  Ketekt.  Said  to  mean  trousers  pulled  up,  or  short.  Compare  ketektish, 
short. 

5.  Sinle. 

6.  Towic.      Ghost. 

7.  Karik.      From  kari  'i,  to   eruct. 

8.  Pevesanahoiket.  Said  to  mean  a  tall  water  plant  (tule)  swaying  in  the 
wind.  Pevesac,  tule.  A  man  named  Pevesanahoiket  or  Havilakwa  was  chief 
at  San  Luis  Key. 

9.  Keruskat. 

10.  Totomal.      Small  stone. 

11.  Saume.      Said  to  mean  sound  made  by  a  sea  shell  at  the  ear. 

12.  Lavik.      Wilting.     Laviki,  to  wither. 

13.  Nonis.  Said  to  mean  talking  low  when  sick.  SToni,  to  make  a  low  mur- 
muring sound. 

14.  Nosis. 

15.  Panowa.  Possibly  equivalent  to  panavut,  the  name  of  a  plant  which 
grows  near  the  coast. 

16.  YaAvahaisan. 

17.  Kauwiit. 

18.  Tovita.      Tovit,  species  of  small  rabbit. 

19.  Kelita.      Perhaps  from  keli,  to  stir. 

20.  Mapulis.  Said  to  mean  sitting  in  hunched  position  with  hands  in  front 
of  face.      Mat,  hand. 

Saboba 

1.  Litcic.      Slipping. 

2.  Pokhat. 

3.  Amurax.      Curled,  as  the  leaves  of  a  plant  from  the  heat. 

4.  Tukwut.  Mountain  lion.  Spanish  name  is  Leon.  The  Indian  name  of 
the  father's  father  of  Pauline  Leon  was  Wowis,  said  to  mean  a  trail.  This 
man 's  brother 's  sen  had  the  same  name.  It  seems  impossible  to  distinguish 
whether  it  is  a  family  name  or  merely  a  transmitted  individual  name. 

5.  Apapas.  Said  to  mean  round  like  an  olla.  A  Cahuilla  family.  The 
name  is  said  to  be  of  Spanish  origin.  It  may  be  the  Spanish  form  of  pavahat, 
having  the  shape  of  a  sphere. 

6.  Jauro.      A  Cupefio  family  of  the  Kauval  party. 

7.  Tcipmal.  A  species  of  owl ;  perhaps  the  pygmy  owl,  recorded  by  Mr. 
Sparkman  as  tukyapal.  Spanish  name  is  Lechuza.  The  family  is  at  present 
represented  by  Antonio  Lechuza.  It  is  also  said  that  Antonio  and  his  father's 
sister,  an  old  woman  named  Soledad,  are  of  the  Gaupsi  (a  small  shrub  with  berries 
liked  by  the  birds).  It  seems  possible  that  Gaupsi  is  really  the  original  Indian 
family  name  and  that  Tcipmal  is  simply  a  translation  of  the  Spanish  Lechuza. 
On  the  other  hand  Gaupsi  may  be  the  name  of  one  of  the  three  Saboba  parties 
(described  below)   for  which  no  names  were  obtained. 

8.  Yuloteuwat.  Morning  Star.  Spanish  name  is  Lucero.  Mr.  Sparkman 
gives  Elutcax  as  the  Luiseno  name  of  Venus,  the  morning  star. 

No  Location 
1.  Anaa.      Said  to  mean  burnt. 


206  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

A  Luiseiio  party69  consists  of  a  clan  or  family,  with  an  hereditary 
chief,  to  which  other  numerically  weak  and  chieftainless  groups  have 
attached  themselves.  It  is  of  the  same  character  as  the  party  among 
the  neighboring  Cupeiio.  The  purpose  of  the  party  is  ceremonial, 
hence  it  might  well  be  called  a  religious  society.  Membership  in  a 
clan  is  of  course  a  matter  of  birth,  but  membership  in  a  party  is  a 
matter  of  choice  on  the  part  of  each  individual.  The  choice  seems 
to  be  wider  among  the  Luiseiio  than  among  the  Cupeiio,  where  we 
have  seen  that  moiety  limits  the  number  of  groups  with  which  an 
alliance  may  be  made.  The  party,  that  is,  the  nucleus  clan  with 
its  accretions,  is  called  noot  or  nota,70  which  is  also  the  term  for 
"chief."  How  far  the  party  is  the  result  of  decimation  due  to 
European  contact  and  to  what  extent  its  development  may  be  corre- 
lated with  the  Chungichnish  ritual  are  questions  which  must  be  left 
in  abeyance. 

The  chieftainship  is  hereditary,  passing  as  a  rule  from  father  to 
son,  the  old  chief  selecting  his  successor  from  among  his  sons.  A 
party  at  Saboba,  however,  has  a  chieftainess,  who  inherited  her  office. 
Her  husband  acts  for  her  in  most  matters.  At  Rincon  there  is  also 
a  chieftainess,  who  has  succeeded  her  husband  during  the  minority 
of  her  son.  In  case  a  chief  dies  suddenly  without  indicating  his 
successor,  one  of  his  relatives  is  selected.  The  business  of  the  parties 
(nonotum)  seems  to  be  entirely  ceremonial,  "making  fiestas"  as  the 
natives  express  it. 

Anyone  who  wishes  can  join  a  part}'.  Blood  relationship  to  the 
family  or  clan  in  which  the  chieftainship  is  vested  is  not  necessary. 
Furthermore  a  person  may  quit  one  party  and  join  another.  If  a 
member  thought  that  his  party  did  not  carry  out  properly  the  cere- 
monies for  one  of  his  deceased  relatives,  he  might  become  angry  and 
resign.  A  person  belongs  to  only  one  party  at  a  time.  When  a 
member  dies,  his  party  makes  a  ceremony  and  burns  his  clothes.  A 
woman  becomes  a  member  of  a  party  with  her  husband.  Usually  a 
man  belongs  to  the  party  of  his  father,  but  he  may  quit  it  and  join 
another  if  he  wishes.      "Women  may  join,  but  children  may  not.      A 


so  Both  Miss  Du  Bois  and  Mr.  Sparkman  mention  ' '  clans  "  or  "  parties. ' '  At 
one  time  they  say  that  membership  is  a  matter  of  birth,  at  another  that  it  is  a 
matter  of  choice  (C.  G.  Du  Bois,  The  Religion  of  the  Luiseiio  Indians  of  South- 
ern California,  and  P.  S.  Sparkman,  The  Culture  of  the  Luiseiio  Indians,  present 
series,  vm,  1908). 

70  The  plural  of  nota  is  nonotum.  In  speaking  of  one  member  of  the  Anoyum 
party,  anoiiahue  would  be  used.  Anoyum  means  the  members  collectively.  Noot 
anonahuc  Avould  be  "chief  of  the  Anoyum." 


1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  207 

person  must  be  adult  to  join.  There  is  no  initiation.  A  prospective 
member  consults  with  the  chief  of  the  party  he  wishes  to  join. 

When  the  chief  of  a  party  decides  to  give  a  ceremony,  for  example 
the  clothes-burning  ceremony,  he  calls  his  people  together.  On  the 
first  night  they  alone  are  present ;  later,  people  from  many  places 
come. 

At  Rincon  there  are  four  parties  which  originally  lived  at  Cuca, 
at  San  Luis  Rey  but  one,  at  Pauma  three,  at  Pichanga  two,  at  Saboba 
three.  The  parties  at  Rincon  formerly  numbered  seven.  The  present 
parties  there  are  listed  below. 

1.  Anoyum  is  the  name  of  one  party  of  which  an  old  man  named  Jose  Polonio 
Ornish  is  chief.  All  of  the  Omic  belong  to  this  party.  The  Tovik  and  Suvic  also 
belong  to  the  Anoyum  party.  They  once  formed  separate  parties,  but  their 
chieftains  are  dead,  so  they  have  attached  themselves  to  the  Omic.  Anoyum 
(ano,  coyote;  -yum,  plural,  probably  here  with  the  force  of  "people  of"),  which 
refers  to  the  coyote,  is  a  name  given  this  party  because  of  greediness  at  ' '  pescado 
(fish)  fiestas."  The  proper  name  for  the  Anoyum  party  is  Keiitcum,  "ground 
squirrels. ' ' 

2.  Ivanawic  is  the  name  of  a  second  party  at  Rincon.  Its  nucleus  is  found 
in  the  Calac  family  or  clan,  all  of  whom  belong  to  this  party,  Jose  Calac  being 
the  chief.  Ivanawic  (iva,  to  be  set  apart;  -[fia]wic,  partitive)/!  which  means 
' '  sitting  apart  or  separate, ' '  is  said  to  be  only  a  nickname  for  this  party,  applied 
because  of  such  a  habit  at  fiestas.  Naxyum  is  the  proper  name.  The  ancestor 
(piwi)  of  the  Calacs,  from  whom  this  name  was  derived,  was  called  Naxnaxkwis, 
a  name  derived  from  naxat,  walking  stick.  From  him  sprang  all  of  the  Calacs. 
Other  families  besides  the  Calacs  belong  to  this  party.  Jose  Calac,  the  chief,  is 
the  cousin  (father's  brother's  son)  of  Felix  Calac,  an  informant. 

3.  Exvaiyum  or  Temekwiyum.  Both  names  of  this  party  refer  to  Temecula 
and  may  be  translated  ' '  Temecula  Party. ' '  Exvaiyum  is  from  exval,  sand,  and 
-yum,  plural,  probably  here  with  the  force  of  ' '  people  of. ' '  Temekwiyum  is 
from  Temeku,  Temecula,  and  -yum,  probably  with  the  meaning  ' '  people  of. ' ' 
Felix  Sesikat  is  chief  of  this  club,  although  his  mother,  Carmen  Seskiat,  has 
acted  as  regent  during  his  minority. 

4.  Senyam  or  Seveyum.  The  first  name  refers  to  senat,  gravel,  a  name  said 
to  have  been  applied  because  the  nucleus  clan  of  this  party  came  from  a  gravelly 
place.  Bruno  Sovenic  is  chief  of  this  party.  One  informant  said  that  Senyam 
was  the  name  of  a  San  Luis  Rey  party,  but  elsewhere  it  was  stated  that  there 
was  but  one  party  at  San  Luis  Rev,  the  Kaitcam. 

5.  Navyam  (navut,  prickly-pear  cactus;  -yam,  plural,  probably  with  the  force 
of  "people  of")  or  Ciwaxum  was  the  name  of  a  fifth  party,  now  extinct,  of 
which  the  Ciwax  family  held  the  chieftainship. 

At  San  Luis  Rey  there  is  said  to  have  been  only  one  party,  which 
was  called  Kaitcam,  from  Kaiyitc,72  said  to  be  the  place  name  of 


Tt  The  Luiseno  dictionary,  compiled  by  Mr.  Sparkman  and  to  be  published  in 
this  series,  was  used  in  checking  the  meanings  of  the  terms  obtained. 

72  Recorded  as  Kheish,  Gheech,  and  Ghesh  by  Dr.  Kroeber  (present  series,  iv, 
147,  19*07).  Kaitcam  is  probably  a  form  of  Khecham,  a  name  sometimes  applied 
to  the  Luiseno  (ibid.,  p.  145,  1907). 


208  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

San  Luis  Rey.  All  of  the  families  of  that  place  were  under  the 
leadership  of  an  hereditary  chief  who  belonged  to  the  Pevesahahoiket 
family  or  clan.  The  chief  himself  was  called  Havilakwa  as  well  as 
Pevesahahoiket.  Since  smaller  villages  had  three  and  four  parties, 
it  seems  unlikely  that  the  grouping  of  twenty  clans  or  families  under 
one  chief  at  San  Luis  Rev  was  a  strictly  aboriginal  proceeding. 
Undoubtedly  it  was  the  result  of  Spanish  contact. 

At  Pauma  there  are  three  parties:  (1)  Maxlahum  (maxwal,  fan 
palm;  -um,  plural,  probably  with  the  force  of  "people  of"),  of  which 
Luis  Maxlaha  is  chief;  (2)  Soktcum,  of  which  Rejinaldo  is  chief; 
(3)  Pauvalum,  of  which  Encarnacion  Pauval  is  chief tainess. 

At  Pichanga  there  are  at  present  two  parties,  although  long  ago 
there  were  more.  One  is  called  Seyihoic  and  a  man  named  Loqui 
is  its  chief.  The  other  is  called  Kiyuhahoic  (cf.  kic  or  kitca,  house) 
and  its  chief  is  Francisco  Rodriguez,  a  mixed  blood.  Francisco  trans- 
lated the  name  of  his  party  as  "my  home  and  my  property,"  a  name 
quite  out  of  keeping  with  the  names  of  the  Rincon  parties.  A  little 
investigation  showed  that  Francisco's  party  is  an  upstart  affair, 
founded  within  a  year  by  him.  The  name  adopted  is  that  of  a  party 
once  existing  at  Temecula,  but  all  the  members  of  which  are  dead. 
It  was  not  ascertained  whether  Francisco's  ancestors  in  the  male  line 
were  chiefs.  A  Pichanga  informant  once  belonged  to  the  Seyihoic 
party,  but  withdrew  many  years  ago  and  has  not  joined  another. 
Loqui,  the  chief  of  this  party,  is  said  to  have  inherited  his  position 
from  his  mother,  which  perhaps  means  that  his  father  died  while  he 
was  young  and  that  she  acted  in  the  father's  stead  until  Loqui  was 
old  enough  to  take  charge.  When  a  chief  purposes  to  have  a  cere- 
mony he  first  assembles  his  people  and  discusses  the  matter  with  them. 
He  sends  his  messenger,  tcaiya,  to  gather  the  people.  The  tcaiya  is 
selected  by  the  chief  and  the  position  is  not  inherited. 

Certain  ceremonies  are  said  to  be  the  property  of  a  single  party 
only.  At  Rincon  the  tanic  dance  (a  man's  dance  with  feathers  on  the 
head)  belongs  to  the  Ivahawic  party;  the  morahash  dance  to  the 
Anoyum  party.  A  Pichanga  informant  said  that  a  man  of  that  place 
might  marry  either  a  local  woman  or  a  woman  from  a  distance.  There 
was  no  interdict  against  marrying  a  woman  of  one's  own  party,  so 
long  as  she  was  not  a  relative. 

At  Pichanga,  Pala,  Pauma,  and  Rincon  people  speak  of  the  bear 
(hunwut)  as  piwi,  great  grandparent,  a  term  used  by  other  groups 
for  the  totems  coyote  and  wild  cat.      At  first  I  thought  that  I  had 


1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  209 

another  case  of  totemism,  but  as  the  custom  is  common  to  all  of  the 
Luiseno  and  not  to  special  clans  or  parties,  it  became  clear  that  I 
had  not.  The  instances  given  below  by  the  natives  make  clear  that 
this  term  as  used  for  bear  is  a  term  of  respect  and  is  parallel  to  the 
Miwok  practice  of  addressing  a  spirit  as  grandfather.  The  explana- 
tion of  Kincon  informants  is  this :  When  people  formerly  went  into 
the  mountains  for  acorns  they  often  saw  bear  tracks.  They  would 
say  ' '  That  is  my  great  grandparent. ' '  They  thought  the  bears  could 
understand  them,  and  hearing  them  speak  so  respectfully,  would  take 
no  offense  and  do  them  no  injury.  At  Pichanga  an  informant  stated 
that  the  bear  (hunwut)  was  once  chief  at  that  place.  It  was  stated 
that  the  use  of  the  term  piwi  for  the  bear  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
taking  of  toloache  nor  with  the  Chungichnish  religion,  although  the 
bear  is  one  of  the  avengers  of  that  deity.  Again  it  has  no  connection 
with  the  power  of  certain  shamans  to  become  bears.  The  killing  of  a 
bear,  which  was  done  with  arrows,  was  the  motive  of  an  all-night  cere- 
mony conducted  by  the  chief  of  a  party.  Eagles,  which  were  also 
killed  only  ceremonially,  are  not  spoken  of  as  piwi.  A  fragment  of 
a  Temecula  story  is  to  the  effect  that  long  ago  a  bear  seized  and  killed 
a  woman.  The  people  went  to  the  bear's  den  calling  "Nupiwi, 
nupiwi, ' '  and  drove  the  bear  away.73 

Among  the  Luiseno  and  Cuperio  there  seems  to  be  a  well-developed 
belief  in  bear  shamans.  They  are  not  a  thing  of  the  past  as  in  central 
California,  but  exist  and  operate  to-day.  Their  power  is  obtained 
by  dreaming,  independent  of  the  visions  induced  by  toloache.  Cupeno 
informants  remembered  a  man  at  Kupa  who  had  the  faculty  of  trans- 
forming himself  into  a  bear,  which  he  did  at  fiestas  for  the  purpose 
of  frightening  people  and  amusing  himself.  They  also  told  me  of 
a  Cahuilla  bear  shaman  from  San  Ygnacio,  a  man  of  about  forty- 
five,  now  residing  at  Banning.  His  name  is  Juan  de  la  Cruz  Norte 
and  he  is  a  member  of  the  coyote  moiety.  Juan  is  reported  to  have 
assumed  the  shape  of  a  bear  on  two  occasions.  The  incidents  rather 
point  to  hynotism  as  the  explanation  of  Juan's  alleged  power.  Many 
white  people  have  tried  to  induce  Juan  to  change  himself  into  a  bear. 
He  always  asks  too  high  a  price,  fifty  to  one  hundred  dollars,  claiming 
that  he  must  demand  a  big  sum,  as  the  risk  is  great.  If  he  fails  to 
make  the  transformation  he  dies  at  once. 

Juan  is  clubfooted  and  of  heavy  build.  It  would  not  take  a 
very  vivid  imagination  to  see  the  likeness  of  a  bear  in  him.      Indian 


73  Dolores  Kesbien,  a  Luiseno    (?)    woman   at   San  Manuel   Reservation   near 
Patton,  spoke  of  the  bear  as  piwi,  using  in  addition  to  hunwut  the  term  takahaitcu. 


210  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.14 

school  girls  have  often  joked  about  his  clubfeet  and  bear-like  appear- 
ance. A  couple  of  years  ago  Juan  appeared  as  a  bear  to  two  girls 
at  Pala,  who  were  among  the  number  who  formerly  amused  themselves 
at  his  expense.  On  this  occasion  there  was  a  fiesta  in  progress,  to 
which  most  of  the  Pala  people  had  gone.  The  two  young  women 
remained  at  home.  Juan  came  by  on  horseback  and  saw  the  two 
girls  sitting  in  a  house  with  the  door  open.  He  had  been  drinking 
and  was  probably  in  bad  humor.  At  any  rate  he  decided  to  have 
revenge  for  the  previous  injuries  to  his  feelings.  He  rode  up  to  the 
house,  dismounted  and  stood  in  the  doorway.  He  reminded  the  girls 
that  they  had  twitted  him  about  his  feet  and  his  bear-like  appearance 
and  that  now  he  was  really  going  to  become  a  bear.  The  girls  were 
very  much  frightened.  He  started  to  sing,  raising  and  lowering  his 
arms  at  the  same  time.  His  arms  were  flexed  as  be  raised  and  lowered 
them  from  the  shoulders.  The  terrified  girls  saw  the  hair  appear 
on  his  body  and  saw  the  claws  grow  on  his  hands.  His  horse,  which 
he  held  by  the  reins,  snorted  in  terror,  jerked  on  the  reins,  and  finally 
pulled  Juan  out  of  the  doorway,  thus  breaking  the  spell. 

On  another  occasion,  it  is  related,  Juan  and  his  brother  quarreled 
while  drunk.  The  brother  said  that  he  did  not  believe  Juan  could 
become  a  bear  as  he  claimed.  Juan  accepted  the  challenge  and  the 
brother  barely  escaped  from  the  house.  Neighbors  were  summoned, 
but  upon  their  arrival  Juan  had  resumed  his  natural  form. 

Among  the  Luiseilo,  bear  shamans  are  not  unusual.  The  power 
of  a  bear  shaman  is  not  inherited  by  his  children.  The  uncle  of 
Canuta,  a  Saboba  informant,  was  a  bear  shaman,  pula,74  of  wide 
repute.  He  obtained  the  power  at  about  middle  age,  but  not  by 
taking  toloache.  He  did  considerable  damage  and  frightened  many 
people  while  in  that  form.  In  response  to  inquiries  as  to  the  manner 
in  which  the  power  was  obtained,  informants  always  said  that  the 
shamans  "came  by  it  naturally,"  or  received  it  "from  above."  The 
term  for  supernatural  power  was  given  as  cowoic,  which  also  means 
"someone  to  be  afraid  of."  The  great  grandfather  of  Vidal  Mojadu, 
a  man  now  living  at  Saboba,  was  a  shaman  who  could  transform  him- 
self into  a  bear.  He  possessed  this  faculty  from  birth.  When  he 
made  the  transformation  he  merely  sang  a  little  and  assumed  his 
animal  form.  Many  people  witnessed  the  transformations.  He  did 
no  damage  while  in  bear  form;  he  exhibited  his  power  for  the  enjoy- 
ment of  people.  Vidal  Mojadu 's  Indian  name  is  Sepak,  as  was  his 
great  grandfather's. 

74  The  generic  name  for  shaman. 


1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  211 

A  Temecula  bear  shaman  was  once  attacked  by  bears  in  the 
Santa  Rosa  Mountains.  He  turned  into  a  bear,  fought,  and  killed 
his  attackers.  He  became  a  man  again.  This  shaman  was  in  the 
habit  of  killing  cattle  while  in  the  form  of  a  bear.  He  was  killed  and 
flayed  by  cowboys  on  one  occasion.  When  they  left  he  arose  as  a 
man  from  the  bear  carcass  and  returned  home. 

The  following  data  seem  of  doubtful  value  yet  are  presented  for 
what  they  are  worth.  They  were  secured  at  the  village  of  Saboba, 
near  the  American  town  of  San  Jacinto,  within  Luiseno  territory.  Its 
original  inhabitants  seem  to  have  been  Luiseno,  although  the  Cupeno 
story  of  annihilation  mentions  certain  Cupeiio  of  the  Kauval  clan 
who  settled  there.  This,  however,  may  have  been  within  a'  century. 
At  present  there  are  Cupeno  and  Cahuilla  mixed  with  the  original 
Luiseno,  many  individuals  having  the  blood  of  two  or  more  of  these 
groups  in  their  veins.  The  various  elements  of  Cahuilla,  Cupeno, 
and  Luiseno  society  are  present  at  Saboba  and  apparently  in  an  only 
partially  assimilated  state.  Information  at  Saboba  was  obtained 
chiefly  from  an  old  woman  named  Canuta,  whose  Indian  name  was 
Salat,  body  louse.  I  know  nothing  of  Canuta 's  parents ;  but  I  do  know 
that  her  daughter,  Cinciona,  married  Tomas  Jauro,  a  Cupeno,  who 
was  the  father  of  my  interpreter,  Mrs.  Philomena  Cleveland.  Fran- 
eisca  Lala  and  Antonio  Lechuza  were  two  other  informants  inter- 
viewed at  Saboba.  Neither  Francisca  nor  Antonio  knew  anything 
about  moieties  or  totems.  Canuta,  however,  did,  and  according  to 
her  Francisca  and  Antonio  belong  respectively  to  the  coyote  and 
wild  cat  moieties.  Since  the  Luiseno  at  Pichanga  and  Rincon  know 
nothing  about  moieties  or  totems,  it  seems  probable  that  the  infor- 
mation about  such  matters  at  Saboba  really  refers  to  the  Cahuilla 
and  Cupeno  portion  of  the  population  and  not  to  the  Luiseno. 

Canuta 's  totem  was  the  wild  cat.  Her  father's  was  likewise  the 
wild  cat,  while  her  mother's  was  the  coyote.  Canuta 's  husband 
Leponcio  was  a  Cahuilla  of  the  coyote  totem.  The  names  of  the 
moieties  as  given  by  Canuta  were  tuktum  (wild  cat  moiety)  and 
anom  (coyote  moiety).  Anom  is  merely  a  Luiseno  translation  of 
Cahuilla  and  Cupeno  istam.  A  person  could  not  marry  another  of 
his  moiety,  because  they  were  regarded  as  relatives.  The  moieties 
hunted  together ;  there  were  not  separate  hunting  grounds.  Totemites 
killed  their  totem  without  prayer  or  ceremony.  There  were  no  other 
animals  associated  with  coyote  and  wild  cat  as  co-totems.  There  is 
a  slight  bit  of  evidence,  however,  that  the  totem  was  at  times  kept  in 


212  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

captivity  and  not  killed.  Francisca  Lala  and  her  father  (now  de- 
ceased), both  alleged  by  Canuta  to  be  of  the  coyote  moiety,  were 
in  the  habit  of  keeping  coyotes  as  pets.  Francisca  had  one  recently, 
but  it  escaped  from  captivity.  I  could  learn  nothing  of  the  under- 
lying motive  in  keeping  the  coyote  in  captivity. 

In  funeral  and  mourning  ceremonies  there  seem  to  be  no  reciprocal 
functions  on  the  part  of  the  moieties,  all  for  example,  singing  over 
the  dead.  In  the  administering  of  toloache  the  moiety  of  the  officiat- 
ing shaman  (pula)  or  chief  makes  no  difference.  The  initiates  are 
of  both  moieties.  In  the  girl's  ceremony  the  initiates  are  likewise 
mixed  as  to  moiety.  No  new  name  is  given  at  initiation.  Canuta 's 
daughter  Cinciona  was  given  her  Indian  name  of  Yewawinim  seven 
months  after  birth.  The  name  was  given  by  Du  Alberto,  paha  of 
the  party  to  which  Canuta  and  her  husband  belonged.  Du  Alberto 
was  said  to  be  of  the  wild  cat  moiety.  I  suspect  that  Canuta  assigned 
moieties  to  certain  individuals  who  were  purely  Luiseno  in  blood 
and  who  really  belong  to  none.  Of  course,  it  is  possible  that  the 
institution  is  spreading  to  the  Saboba  Luiseno, 

In  response  to  a  request  for  myths  concerning  the  totems,  Canuta 
related  the  following  story : 

Wild  cat  had  three  wives,  the  stars  known  as  Hulatcum,  a  part  of  the  con- 
stellation Tcehaiyum.75  Coyote  killed  wild  cat,  flayed  him,  donned  his  skin, 
and  then  roasted  and  fed  his  carcass  to  wild  cat 's  wives.  They  ate  their  husband, 
not  knowing  they  were  eating  him.  They  searched  for  wild  cat.  Coyote,  who 
had  disguised  himself  in  their  husband  's  skin,  went  with  them  and  married  them. 
Coyote  and  the  three  women  went  to  certain  springs  to  bathe.  Coyote  told  his 
wives  to  enter  the  water  first.  They  did  so.  Then  coyote  threw  off  the  wild 
cat  skin  and  entered  the  water.  His  wives  did  not  know  that  he  had  removed  the 
skin.  Coyote  said,  ' '  I  have  reached  the  women. ' '  The  women  got  out  of  the 
water  and  flew  up  to  the  sky.  They  threw  into  the  air  the  root  (kwinum)  of  a 
plant  so  that  they  might  travel  on  it  to  the  sky.  They  are  in  the  sky  now  as 
the  three  stars  of  Hulatcum.     Coyote  is  in  the  sky  chasing  them." 

There  are  three  parties  (nonotum)  at  Saboba,  each  with  its  heredi- 
tary chief.  I  could  obtain  no  names  for  these  parties,  although  they 
doubtless  have  names.  In  becoming  a  member  of  these  parties  moiety 
plays  no  part.  People  of  both  moieties  belong  to  the  same  party. 
As  elsewhere  in  Luiseno  territory  women  become  members  of  the 
parties  by  birth  and  by  marriage.  Both  the  position  of  chief  (nota) 
of  a  party  and  the  position  of  ceremonial  assistant  (paha)  were  passed 


75  Mr.  Sparkman  gives  Hulatcum  as  the  name  for  the  three  stars  of  Orion 
and  Tcehaiyum  for  the  Pleiades.  Evidently  one  informant  has  confused  Orion 
with  the  Pleiades. 

76  Compare  a  somewhat  similar  tale  by  Miss  Du  Bois,  present  series,  vni,  16-4, 
1908. 


1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  213 

from  father  to  son  or  brother.  At  times  a  woman  was  the  only  heir. 
Among  the  duties  of  the  chief  as  ceremonial  leader  is  the  naming  of 
the  children  born  to  members  of  his  party.  The  paha  notifies  people 
of  coming  ceremonies  and  generally  assists  the  chief.  He  acts  as 
amokat  (=  hunter)  or  "chief  of  the  rabbit  hunt."  Ceremonies  which 
were  carried  out  by  each  party  were  the  girl's  ceremony,  the  image 
ceremony,  and  the  "war  dance"  (pulas  or  tanic)  about  the  fire. 
Dances  were  not  the  property  of  individual  parties.  In  the  image 
ceremony  the  female  relatives  of  the  deceased  make  the  images.  A 
child  belongs  to  the  party  of  its  parents.  There  is  no  exogamy  in 
connection  with  the  parties,  a  man  marrying  a  woman  either  in  or 
out  of  his  party  as  he  likes,  so  long  as  she  is  of  a  different  moiety. 
There  were  not  separate  hunting  grounds  for  the  parties. 

Ceremonies  were  held  at  or  near  the  house  of  each  chief.  Each 
chief  administered  the  toloache  to  the  boys  of  his  party.  Moiety 
had  nothing  to  do  with  the  administering  of  this  drug.  The  entire 
boys'  ceremony,  including  the  giving  of  toloache,  the  instruction  at 
the  sand  painting,  and  the  ceremony  called  wanawut,77  was  in  the 
hands  of  the  party  chief.  The  morahash  or  whirling  dance  took 
place  at  the  time  of  the  ceremony  of  anut,  placing  red  ants  on  the 
bodies  of  the  initiates.  This  follows  the  giving  of  toloache.  The 
morahash  dancers  may  be  of  any  party.  There  seems  to  be  no 
proprietorship  of  dances  as  among  the  western  Luiseiio.  The  cere- 
monial killing  of  an  eagle  was  another  party  ceremony  in  charge  of 
a  party  chief. 

A  village  chief  who  was  elected,  was  chosen  for  his  ability  regard- 
less of  his  moiety.  He  ruled  over  the  entire  population  and  held 
office  as  long  as  satisfactory.  I  suspect  that  this  office  is  of  modern 
origin  at  Saboba,  as  it  seems  to  be  elsewhere  in  southern  California. 
Formerly  a  man  named  Victoriano  was  chief  (noot)  of  the  entire 
village.  He  was  selected  by  the  people.  At  present  there  is  no 
village  chief,  but  there  are  three  party  chiefs;  Jesus  Jauro,  Teofilo 
Ba,  and  Soledad  (Lucero)  Mojadu,  the  wife  of  Augustine  Mojadu. 
Soledad's  Indian  family  name  is  Yulotcuwat,  said  to  be  a  translation 
of  Lucero,  the  Spanish  name  for  Venus,  the  morning  star.  Teofilo 
is  of  the  coyote  moiety.  These  individuals  all  inherited  their 
positions. 

The  following  information  concerns  previous  officials  of  the  three 
Saboba  parties.     One  party,  already  mentioned  in  connection  with 


"  Ibid.,  p.  85,  1908. 


214  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

the  naming  of  the  daughter  of  an  informant  (Canuta),  had  as  chief- 
tain a  man  named  Cristobal  Lakuiya,  of  the  coyote  moiety ;  and  as 
paha  Du  Alberto,  who  had  succeeded  his  father  Matias  (Indian  name 
Tukut,  wild  cat),  who  in  turn  had  succeeded  his  father.  Du  Alberto 
and  his  predecessors  were  of  the  wild  cat  moiety.  Cristobal  Lakuiya 
was  the  younger  brother  of  Canuta 's  father.  Jesus  Jauro  is  now 
chief  of  this  party.  Tomas  Apapas,  a  Cahuilla,  is  the  ceremonial 
assistant  (paha)  for  Jesus  Jauro.  He  succeeded  his  uncle  Seferino 
to  this  position,  and  Seferino  in  his  turn  had  succeeded  his  father. 
It  was  stated  that  Seferino  and  his  father  (a  Cahuilla)  were  of  the 
"wolf  (icwut)  clan,"  which  perhaps  is  really  the  Cahuilla  Iswetum 
clan  (see  p.  191).  Seferino 's  mother  was  a  Saboba  woman  of  the  wild 
cat  moiety  named  Urbana  (Indian  name  Samuyat). 

A  second  party  has  as  its  leader  the  chief tainess  Soledad  (Lucero) 
Mojadu.  Her  ceremonial  assistant  or  paha  is  Antonio  Lechuza  (In- 
dian name  Tcipmal).  Antonio  succeeded  his  father  Teodorcio,  who 
succeeded  his  father  Gitinyano.  Gitinyano,  whose  Indian  name  was 
also  Tcipmal,  inherited  his  position  from  his  paternal  grandfather  of 
like  name.  The  Tcipmal  are  said  by  Canuta  to  be  of  the  tukut 
moiety,  although  the  present  representative  Antonio  claims  to  know 
nothing  about  the  moieties.  The  father's  sister  of  the  present 
Tcipmal,  a  stout  old  woman  named  Soledad,  is  said  to  belong  to  the 
Gaupsi  also  (see  p.  205). 

The  third  party  at  Saboba  is  that  of  which  Teofilo  Ba  is  nota 
(chief)  and  of  which  Manuel  Manamish  was  paha.  Manuel  is  so  old 
that  he  has  given  up  the  position  of  paha  or  ceremonial  assistant.  A 
man  named  Gervasio  Romero  (Indian  name  Hiilvul,  a  sage  brush, 
Artemisia  calif ornica,  from  which  a  drink  is  said  to  be  brewed)  fills 
his  place,  apparently,  however,  not  by  inheritance.  Gervasio  is  of 
the  coyote  moiety. 

Very  few  data  were  secured  concerning  individual  Indian  names. 
Mrs.  Isabella  Majel,  a  Saboba  woman  of  Luiseilo-Mexican  parentage, 
was  called  Tcalaka  by  her  grandparents  when  small.  Tcalaka  means 
"horned  toad."  It  is  not  certain  whether  the  following  Saboba 
names  are  of  individuals  or  families:  (a)  Akhel,  a  grass,  probably  the 
individual  name  of  Tomas  Jauro.  (b)  Wahat,  a  tree  similar  to  a 
poplar  (alamo),  probably  the  individual  name  of  mother  of  Mrs.  Sole- 
dad (Lucero)  Mojadu,  a  Luisefio  woman  of  Saboba.  (c)  Hiilvul, 
a  species  of  sage  brush,  probably  the  individual  name  of  a  man  called 
Gervasio. 


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1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  215 


MOIETIES,  CLANS,  AND  TOTEMISM  IN  CALIFORNIA 

A  glance  at  the  accompanying  map  shows  that  groups  organized 
on  the  basis  of  totemic  moieties  with  patrilinear  descent  occupy  a 
large  part  of  south  central  and  southern  California.  The  Colorado 
River  tribes  lack  moieties,  but  they  appear  again  among  the  Pima  of 
western  Arizona.  In  California,  in  approximate  order  from  north 
to  south,  the  groups  with  moieties  are  Miwok,  Mono,  central  Yokuts, 
and  Salinan  in  south  central  California,  and  southern  Serrano, 
Cahuilla,  and  Cupeiio  in  southern  California.  It  is  quite  possible 
that  the  northern  and  southern  moiety  groups  were  actually  connected 
geographically  through  the  Buena  Vista  group  of  Yokuts  and  the 
Kitanemuk  (the  northwestern  Serrano).  The  former  are  extinct  and 
the  latter  remain  to  be  investigated.  The  absence  of  moieties  among 
the  Colorado  River  tribes  is  but  one  of  the  several  negative  character- 
istics of  their  peculiar  culture,  which  is  marked  by  the  non-possession 
of  certain  cultural  elements  common  to  their  eastern  and  western 
neighbors. 

Three  varieties  of  the  moiety  organization  are  distinguishable  in 
California.  First,  there  is  the  moiety  and  clan  type  of  southern 
California,  as  among  the  Cahuilla,  in  which  a  number  of  non-totemic 
clans  are  grouped  in  totemic  moieties.  Second,  there  is  the  undi- 
vided totemic  moiety  of  the  Miwok  and  Yokuts.  The  third  type  is 
represented  by  the  Mono.  Superficially  it  resembles  the  southern 
California  type  with  moiety  and  clan,  but  fundamentally  it  is  differ- 
ent. Each  Mono  moiety  comprises  two  subdivisions.  Neither  the 
subdivisions  nor  moieties  are  exogamous.  As  pointed  out  in  a  pre- 
vious notice,78  the  Mono  moiety  organization  is  undoubtedly  borrowed 
from  the  neighboring  Yokuts  and  Miwok,  for  the  Mono  east  of  the 
Sierra  Nevada  lack  it.  The  subdivisions  of  the  Mono  moieties  prob- 
ably represent  a  local  development.  It  does  not  seem  likely  that  they 
have  an  origin  in  common  with  the  clans  of  the  Serrano,  Cahuilla, 
and  Cupeho  of  southern  California,  since  an  extensive  area  without 
clans  separates  them.  It  seems  justifiable  to  regard  the  minor  Mono 
groups  as  subdivisions  of  moieties  rather  than  as  clans  grouped  in 
moieties. 


7»  Diehotomous    Social    Organizations    in    South    Central    California,    present 
series,  xi,  296,  1916. 


216  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

The  wedge  composed  of  Shoshonean  (Tubatulabal  and  Kawaiisu) 
and  Yokuts  peoples  (Yaudanchi,  Paleuyami,  and  Yauelmani),  which 
on  the  map  has  all  the  appearance  of  driving  asunder  the  northern 
and  southern  moiety  groups,  is  without  trace  of  the  institution.  This 
is  especially  startling  in  the  case  of  the  Yokuts  groups  since  their 
congeners  of  the  San  Joaquin  Valley  and  of  the  Sierra  Nevada  foot- 
hills to  the  north  possess  the  institution.  The  anomaly  is  explainable 
only  on  the  basis  of  cultural  diffusion.  The  Yokuts  groups  in  ques- 
tion were  in  close  touch  with  the  Tubatulabal  and  Kawaiisu,  two 
groups  which  lack  the  moiety  organization  as  undoubtedly  do  their 
neighbors  to  the  east.  Correlative  evidence  in  support  of  this  ex- 
planation is  found  in  the  kinship  systems  and  other  cultural  traits 
of  the  three  Yokuts  groups  in  question.  The  kinship  systems  resemble 
those  of  the  neighboring  Tiibatulabal  and  Kawaiisu  and  differ  from 
those  of  the  central  Yokuts  groups  with  moiety  organization.  The 
Yokuts  tribes  among  which  the  moiety  organization  is  known  are 
Chukchansi,  Gashowu,  and  Tachi.  Native  report  from  the  Tachi  also 
credits  with  moieties  the  Chunut,  Nutunutu,  Telamni,  Wechikhit,  and 
WowoL 

The  attempt  to  determine  the  present  center  of  gravity  of  the 
moiety  organization  will  not  be  essayed  at  this  point.  It  seems  best 
first  to  consider  the  distribution  of  clan  organization  and  then  to  take 
up  the  matter  of  the  diffusion  of  the  two  institutions,  since  it  is 
impossible  to  discuss  one  without  alluding  to  the  other.  In  the 
following  paragraphs  the  Mono  are  excluded. 

Like  the  moieties,  the  clans,  which  are  limited  to  southern  Cali- 
fornia, are  patrilinear  in  descent.  The  groups  organized  on  the 
basis  of  clans  are  the  Yuman  Diegueno,  the  Colorado  River  Yuman 
tribes  (chief  among  which  are  the  Mohave,  Yuma,  and  Cocopa),  and 
the  Shoshonean  Serrano,  Cahuilla,  Cupefio,  and  Luiseno.  Nothing 
is  known  about  the  Juaneno,  Gabrielino,  and  Chumash,  but  since  they 
were  in  contact  with  groups  which  possess  either  clans  or  moieties, 
or  both,  it  seems  fair  to  assume  that  they  were  similarly  organized. 
In  the  following  discussion  of  clans  it  seems  well  to  bring  in  the  Pima. 

We  may  separate  the  peoples  with  clans  into  four  groups  based 
upon  the  possession  or  non-possession  by  the  clans  of  the  following 
characters:  (1)  The  clan  totem;  (2)  localization;  (3)  the  grouping 
of  clans  in  moieties.  The  accompanying  table  makes  clear  the  four 
groups.  The  first  group  is  formed  by  the  Pima  and  probably  the 
Papago,  from  whom  the  data  are  insufficient.      It  is  characterized  by 


1918] 


Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California 


217 


totemic,  non-localized  elans  combined  in  moieties.  The  second  group 
is  composed  of  the  Mohave,  Yuma,  and  Cocopa  and  is  characterized 
by  totemic,  non-localized  clans  not  combined  in  moieites.  The  third 
group  comprises  the  Dieguefio  and  Luiseno  with  localized,  non-totemic 
clans,  not  combined  in  moieties.  The  fourth  group  embraces  the. 
Cupefio,  Cahuilla,  and  Serrano  and  is  characterized  by  localized, 
non-totemic  clans  grouped  in  moieties. 

Tribe  Clan  totem  Localization  Grouped  in  moieties 

Pima   Yes  No  Yes 

Mohave   Yes  No  No 

Yuma  Yes  No  No 

Cocopa  Yes  No  No 

Dieguefio  No  Yes  No 

Luiseno   No  Yes  No 

Cupefio    No  Yes  Yes 

Cahuilla    No  Yes  Yes 

Serrano  No  Yes  Yes 


Considering  the  distribution  in  California  of  both  moiety  and  clan 
we  find  an  area  in  which  both  institutions  occur  bordered  on  one  side 
by  an  area  in  which  only  the  moiety  is  found,  and  on  the  other  side 
by  an  area  in  which  only  the  clan  is  found.  (See  following  diagram; 
also  map.) 


Clans 

Miwok 
Yokuts 
Salinan 

Serrano 
Cahuilla 
Cupefio 

Luisefio 

Dieguefio 

Mohave 

Yuma 

Cocopa 

Moieties 

This  type  of  distribution  permits  of  two  interpretations  First, 
we  might  assume  that  the  complex  of  moiety  and  clan  was  funda- 
mental and  that  it  centered  in  southern  California,  perhaps  with  the 
Gabrielino,  from  whom  certain  cultural  features,  such  as  the  toloache 
cult  of  California,  seem  to  have  radiated.  From  this  center  the 
complex  perhaps  spread  north,  south,  and  east,  losing  the  clans  in 
the  north  and  the  moieties  in  the  south  and  east.  Second,  we  might 
assume  that  the  moiety  and  the  clan  are  separate  institutions  which 


218  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

have  originated  in  their  respective  independent  areas.  From  these 
two  centers  the  institutions  have  perhaps  been  diffused,  giving  to  the 
intermediate  tribes  both  institutions.  Personally,  I  am  inclined  to 
consider  the  latter  hypothesis  as  more  nearly  fitting  the  known  facts. 
From  the  data  at  hand,  the  moiety  complex  as  found  among  the  Tachi 
Yokuts  seems  to  be  the  most  highly  developed,  and  there  is  no  question 
but  what  we  must  look  beyond  the  boundaries  of  California  for  the 
focus  of  clan  organization. 

The  affinity  and  ultimate  origin  of  the  patrilinear  clans  and 
moieties  of  California  must,  in  my  opinion,  be  traced  to  the  Southwest 
in  spite  of  the  barrier  of  matrilinear  descent  in  that  region.  Geo- 
graphically, there  is  actual  contiguity  of  the  two  areas ;  while,  on  the 
other  hand,  if  we  seek  an  origin  for  the  patrilinear  clans  and  moieties 
of  California  in  the  related  institutions  of  certain  Northwest,  Plains, 
and  Woodland  tribes,  we  are  confronted  by  enormous  intermediate 
areas  in  which  neither  patrilinear  nor  matrilinear  clans  occur.  That 
the  difference  in  descent  is  not  a  bar  to  considering  the  Southwest  and 
the  southern  half  of  California  as  a  single  area  in  this  matter  is  fur- 
ther emphasized  by  the  occurrence,  side  by  side,  of  patrilinear  and 
matrilinear  institutions  in  the  Northwest,  Plains,  and  Woodland 
areas,  clearly  paralleling  the  situation  in  the  Southwest-California 
area.79  Furthermore  southern  California  is  indebted  to  the  Southwest 
for  several  important  cultural  traits.  It  seems  entirely  reasonable  to 
regard  clans  and  moieties  as  simply  another  addition  to  the  list.  I 
do  not  mean  to  assume,  however,  that  the  clans  of  the  Colorado  River 
tribes  or  the  moieties  of  the  Miwok  are  transplanted  institutions,  but 
simply  that  their  ultimate  origin  is  to  be  sought  in  the  Southwest. 
Their  present  day  features  are  unquestionably  developments  in  situ, 
which  doubtless  stand  for  a  long  period  of  independent  evolution 
since  the  appearance  of  the  original  institution.  Of  course,  it  is 
entirely  possible  that  the  moiety  is  a  wholly  independent  and  local 
development  of  the  San  Joaquin  Valley  of  south  central  California, 
for  the  fact  must  not  be  lost  sight  of,  that  the  moiety  may  embrace 
half  of  an  entire  linguistic  stock  numbering  many  thousands,  while 
the  clan  embraces  a  comparatively  small,  and  theoretical^  con- 
sanguineous, group. 


™  Swanton,  John  E.,  The  Social  and  the  Emotional  Element  in  Totemism, 
Anthropos,  ix,  296,  1914.  "It  is  a  striking  fact  that  the  tribes  presenting 
mother-right  and  father-right  always  occur  in  contiguous,  not  in  detached,  areas. 
We  do  not  find  mother-right  in  one  section  and  father-right  in  another  section 
with  non-totemic  tribes  between.  They  are  always  in  conjunction  and  in  most 
cases  both  are  represented  in  each  area." 


1918]  Gifford:  Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California  219 

The  problem  of  totemism  seems  less  complex  than  that  of  social 
organization,  for  totemism  recks  not  of  maternal  or  paternal  descent, 
nor  of  clans  nor  moieties.  In  ultimate  origin  it  seems  evident  that  we 
must  associate  the  totemism  of  California  with  that  of  the  Southwest. 
In  fact,  when  mapped,  the  Californian  totemic  area  appears  simply 
as  the  northwesternmost  extension  of  a  great  totemic  area  centering 
in  the  Southwest.  Furthermore,  the  volatile  concept  of  totemism  has 
a  wider  vogue  in  California  than  such  Southwestern  cultural  features 
as  pottery,  the  curved  throwing  stick,  and  the  sand  painting. 

The  division  of  nature  into  moieties  and  the  assumption  by  each 
human  moiety  of  one  half  of  nature  for  its  totems  is  an  extreme 
development  of  the  totemic  idea  found  in  California  only  among  the 
Miwok.80  Such  an  attitude  toward  nature  seems  to  be  but  the  natural 
and  logical  result  of  two  factors  operating  in  the  native  mind:  (1) 
the  grouping  of  mankind  in  moieties;  (2)  the  belief  that  animals  were 
once  men  or  that  animals  preceded  men  upon  earth.  With  these  two 
ideas  as  a  starting  point  it  takes  but  a  feeble  system  of  philosophy 
to  produce  an  arrangement  of  all  animate  and  inanimate  things  in 
moieties.  We  find  weak  attempts  at  such  groupings  among  the 
Yokuts,  Mono,  Cahuilla,  and  Serrano.  It  is  only  among  the  Miwok 
that  the  scheme  has  been  carried  to  a  consistent  and  logical  conclusion. 

Totemism,  as  expressed  in  names  of  individuals,  requires  a  few 
words  of  comment.  The  personal  names  of  the  Miwok  with  their 
totemic  connotations  have  already  been  shown  to  be  similar  to  those 
of  the  Hopi.81  We  find  a  practice  allied  to  that  of  the  Miwok  and 
Hopi  among  the  Yuman  tribes  ©f  the  Colorado  River  and  among  the 
Pima  and  Papago.  Each  clan  among  the  Yuman  tribes  possesses  an 
archaic  and  perhaps  esoteric  word  or  name  of  totemic  connotation, 
which  is  applied  to  all  of  the  women  of  the  clan.82  Among  the  Pima 
and  Papago  a  somewhat  similar  practice  prevails :  the  word  in  each 
case  is  applied  by  all  of  the  members  of  a  clan  to  their  fathers.  The 
totemism  manifested  in  names  among  these  three  widely  separated 
groups,  Miwok,  Hopi,  and  Yuman-Piman,  strengthens  the  hypothesis 
of  a  common  origin  for  the  totemism  of  California  and  the  Southwest. 


»°  E.  W.  Gifford,  Miwok  Moieties,  present  series,  xn,  142,  1916. 

si  Ibid.,  p.  147. 

*2  For  lists  of  such  names  see  pp.  158-165. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA   PUBLICATIONS  -  (CONTINUED) 

VoL  7.      1.  The  Emeryville  Shellmound,  by  Max  Uhle.    Pp.  1-106,  plates  1-12,  with 

38  text  figures.    June,  1907 _ 1.25 

2.  Eecent  Investigations  bearing  upon  the  Question  of  the  Occurrence  of 
Neocene  Man  in  the  Auriferous  Gravels  of  California,  by  William 
J.  Sinclair,    Pp.  107-130,  plates  13-14.    February,  1908  ..._ _ .36 

8.  Porno  Indian  Basketry,  by  S.  A.  Barrett.    Pp.  133-306,  plates  15-30, 

231  text  figures.    December,  1908  _ -...    1.76 

4.  Shellmounds  of  the  San  Francisco  Bay  Region,  by  N.  O.  Nelson. 

Pp.  309-S56,  plates  32-34.    December,   1909   .50 

6.  The  Ellis  Landing  Shellmound,  by  N.  C.  Nelson.    Pp.  357-426,  plates 

36-50.    April,  1910  .79 

Index,  pp.  427-443. 
VoL  8.      1.  A  Mission  Record  of  the  California  Indians,  from  a  Manuscript  in  the 

Bancroft  Library,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  1-27.    May,  1908  ..._ .25 

2.  The  Ethnography  of  the  Cahuilla  Indians,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  29- 

68,  plates  1-15.    July,  1908  .78 

5.  The  Religion  of  the  Luisefio  and  Dieguefio  Indians  of  Southern  Cali- 

fornia, by  Constance  Goddard  Dubois.     Pp.  69-186,  plates  16-19. 
June,  1908  - 1.25 

4.  The  Culture  of  the  Luisefio  Indians,  by  Philip  Stedman  Sparkman. 

Pp.  187-234,  plate  20.    August,  1908 _ .50 

5.  Notes  on  Shoshonean  Dialects  of  Southern  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroe- 

ber.    Pp.  235-269.     September,  1909 .85 

6.  The  Religious  Practices  of  the  Dieguefio  Indians,  by  T.  T.  Waterman. 

Pp.  271-358,  plates  21-28.    March,  1910  80 

Index,  pp.  359-369. 
VoL  9.      1.  Tana  Texts,  by  Edward  Sapir,  together  with  Yana  Myths  collected  by 

Roland  B.  Dixon.    Pp.  1-235.    February,  1910 2.50 

2.  The  Chuma8h  and  Costanoan  Languages,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  237- 

271.     November,  1910.. 85 

3.  The  Languages  of  the  Coast  of  California  North  of  San  Francisco,  by 

A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  273-435,  and  map.    April,  1911 _ 1.50 

Index,  pp.  437-439. 
VoL  10.    1.  Phonetic  Constituents  of  the  Native  Languages  of  California,  by  A 

L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  1-12.    May,  1911  10 

2.  The  Phonetic  Elements  of  the  Northern  Paiute  Language,  by  T.  T. 

Waterman.    Pp.  13-44,  plates  1-5.    November,  1911  45 

5.  Phonetic  Elements  of  the  Mohave  Language,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp. 

45-96,  plates  6-20.    November,  1911    65 

4.  The  Ethnology  of  the  Salinan  Indians,  by  J.  Alden  Mason.    Pp.  97- 

240,  plates  21-37.    December.  1912  1.75 

5.  Papago  Verb  Stems,  by  Juan  Dolores.    Pp.  241-263.    August,  1913 25 

6.  Notes  on  the  Chilula  Indians  of  Northwestern  California,  by  Pliny 

Earl  Goddard.    Pp.  265-288,  plates  38-41.     April,  1914 30 

7.  Chilula  Texts,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.     Pp.   289-379.     November, 

1914 _ 1.00 

Index,  pp.  381-385. 
VoL  11.    1.  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.    Pp.  1-176, 

plates  1-45.     October,  1912  2.00 

2.  Phonetic  Elements  of  the  Dieguefio  Language,  by  A,  L.  Kroeber  and 

J.  P.  Harrington.    Pp.  177-188.     April,  1914  10 

8.  Sarsi  Texts,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.    Pp.  189-277.    February,  1915....    1.00 
4.  Serian,  Tequistlatecan,  and  Hokan,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.     Pp.  279-290. 

February,  1915 10 

6.  Dichotomous  Social  Organization  in  South  Central  California,  by  Ed- 

ward Winslow  Gifford.    Pp.  291-296.    February,  1916 05 

6.  The  Delineation  of  the  Day-Signs  in  the  Aztec  Manuscripts,  by  T.  T. 

Waterman.    Pp.  297-398.    March,  1916  1-C0 

7.  The  Mutsun  Dialect  of  Costanoan  Based  on  the  Vocabulary  of  De  la 

Cuesta,  by  J.  AMen  Mason.    Pp.  399-472.    March,  1916 70 

Index,  pp.  473-479. 
VoL  12.    1.  Composition  of  California  Shellmounds,  by  Edward  Winslow  Gifford. 

Pp.  1-29.     February,  1916 3° 

2.  California  Place  Names  of  Indian  Origin,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.     Pp. 

31-69.     June,   1916   *° 

3.  Arapaho  Dialects,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  71-138.    June,  1916  70 

4.  Miwok  Moieties,  by  Edward  Winslow  Gifford.     Pp.  139-194.     June, 

1916    -So" 

6.  On  Plotting  the  Inflections  of  the  Voice,  by  Cornelius  B.  Bradley.    Pp. 

195-218,  plates  1-5.    October.  1916 28 

6.  Tttbatulabal  and  Kawaiisu  Kinship  Terms,  by  Edward  Winslow  Gif- 
ford.   Pp.  219-248.    February,  1917  — - 60 


